Secretary of State Marco Rubio (C) looks on as US President Donald Trump meets with China’s President Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on May 14, 2026. Photo by Brendan SMIALOWSKI / AFP via Getty Images
This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on July 14, 2026.It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.
Some critics of the Trump administration are reacting with horror to revelations that US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has been serving as the de facto ruler of Venezuela.
According to a Saturday report in The New York Times, Rubio for the last several months has been acting informally as the “viceroy” of Venezuela ever since its recognized president, Nicolás Maduro, was abducted by the American military in January and brought to the US to face charges related to “narco-terrorism.”
The Times’ sources revealed that Rubio “effectively controls Venezuela’s finances, the distribution of its natural resources, and its government” and “is deeply involved in the country’s day-to-day operations,” while maintaining regular contact with acting Venezuelan President Delcy Rodríguez.
Under current arrangements, the US Treasury Department takes in revenue from Venezuela’s exports, including its petroleum, and then disperses the money back to the country through its private banks with strict conditions set by Rubio over what it can be spent on.
In explaining the system, the Times likened it to “parents handing out allowances to children,” adding that it gives Rubio “immense leverage over… Rodríguez, who depends on the money to pay workers and prop up the national currency.”
Elizabeth Saunders, professor of political science at Columbia University, described Rubio’s power over Venezuela as “insane,” as well as “derelict, unconscionable, and impeachable.”
“The secretary of state’s time is scarce, valuable, and not outsourcable,” Saunders emphasized.
Orlando J. Pérez, professor of Political Science at the University of North Texas at Dallas, said the Times report made a mockery of Rubio’s professed claims to want to bring democracy back to Venezuela.
“It appears Rubio has transformed from democracy promotion warrior,” Pérez commented, “to transactional realpolitik operative!”
Kenneth Roth, former executive director at Human Rights Watch, wrote that US control over Venezuela appeared similar to the kind of imperial power wielded by European nations in the 19th Century.
“Trump has turned Venezuela into an effective US colony,” said Roth, “with Marco Rubio as the viceroy and Washington controlling the country’s oil revenue and dictating major foreign and domestic policies. Democracy has been relegated to the distant future.”
Bradley Simpson, historian at the University of Connecticut, also saw the current US arrangement with Venezuela as a return to overt imperialism.
“We are literally back in the Dollar Diplomacy days of the 1910s,” Simpson wrote, “when the United States invaded countries and took over their financial systems and ran them as effective colonies. Flagrantly illegal, enormously corrupt. Where is the organization of American states or UN in denouncing this?”
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Trump has threatened to deploy the military against the “enemy within” and has recently promoted the idea that “democratic socialism must be criminalized.”
Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., attends a news conference at the Republican National Committee after a meeting of the House Republican Conference on Tuesday, July 14, 2026. Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on July 14, 2026.It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.
As he pushed for Congress to approve $350 billion in new spending requested by the Pentagon, House Speaker Mike Johnson suggested Tuesday that some of the funds were needed for “fighting communism on our own shores,” an ominous notion in light of President Donald Trump’s threats to deploy the US military against his domestic enemies.
In addition to the already record-breaking $1.1 trillion military spending bill that was approved last month by the House Appropriations Committee, the Pentagon has requested a separate $350 billion package to be passed through a separate GOP-led spending bill known as “Reconciliation 3.0,” which can pass without Democratic support.
Johnson (La.) has faced pushback from some GOP senators, including Sens. Susan Collins (Maine) and the hospitalized Sen. Mitch McConnell (Ky.), as he’s sought additional spending. During a press conference on Tuesday, Johnson made his case for Republicans to back the reconciliation proposal.
The speaker argued that the package included “transformational funding that will help us change the dynamic of the Department of War and make it more efficient and effective,” including Trump’s request to “effectively double the funding for national defense.”
“Look, we live in dangerous times,” Johnson said. “We’re fighting communism on our own shores, and we’re fighting evil terrorists and tyrants around the world, and we have to be able to protect our national security.”
Mike Johnson says that the Pentagon is requesting an additional $350,000,000,000 for things like "fighting Communism on our own shores" pic.twitter.com/3s3HH8E4eH
In the weeks following a series of Democratic primary victories by progressive and democratic socialist candidates in New York, Colorado, Kentucky, Ohio, Texas, and elsewhere, Trump and his allies in the GOP have relentlessly hammered on the idea that the nation was under siege by “godless Communists” who want to “completely destroy the traditional American way of life,” rhetoric that echoed McCarthy era red-baiting to many critics.
In just two weeks since those primaries on June 23, Reuters found that Trump had invoked “communism” at least 81 times to demonize candidates and officials like New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani and others, who have promoted policies like Medicare for All, higher taxes on the wealthy, the expansion of public utilities, the abolition of US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, cutting off aid to Israel, and other policies supported by large numbers of Democratic voters.
Trump’s recent rhetoric has indicated that opposing “communism” goes beyond simply voting to keep these candidates out of power. He’s referred to the so-called communists as “animals,” as a “cancer” that needs to be “cut out fast.”
He said during a July 3 speech outside Mount Rushmore that “communists” cannot be “loyal” to America and he will “send them into exile… send them quickly away.”
On Sunday, Trump reposted a video from the right-wing radio host Michael Savage with the title “DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM MUST BE CRIMINALIZED; LEADERS DEPORTED.”
Johnson echoed Trump’s rhetoric on Tuesday, continuing to describe passing the military spending proposal as part of the existential fight against internal communist enemies.
“THE BARBARIANS ARE INSIDE THE GATE!” Johnson posted to social media alongside a video of himself promoting the bill.
“We are fighting right now in Congress over whether we’re going to maintain our status as a constitutional republic OR trade that in, dismantle the foundations and GO DOWN THIS DARK ROAD OF DEATH TO COMMUNISM,” he continued. “THAT is the question.”
THE BARBARIANS ARE INSIDE THE GATE!
We are fighting right now in Congress over whether we're going to maintain our status as a constitutional republic OR trade that in, dismantle the foundations and GO DOWN THIS DARK ROAD OF DEATH TO COMMUNISM.
— Speaker Mike Johnson (@SpeakerJohnson) July 14, 2026
With these comments, Johnson was explicitly tying increased military funding to Trump’s fight against communism, though it’s unclear which aspect of the budget proposal would be directed toward those ends.
Federal troops are generally barred from domestic law enforcement, though the president can deploy them in cases of domestic insurrection and violence that ordinary law enforcement cannot handle.
Trump has deployed active duty Marines to US cities like Los Angeles and ordered the National Guard to deploy to many others, including Portland, Memphis, and Chicago, which courts have said violated the law.
He has also suggested using armed forces to target his ideological enemies. During a speech to generals last year, he said cities should be used as “training grounds for our military” as they fight an “enemy within,” which has included immigrants, the “radical left” and protest movements that have mobilized in opposition to his administration.
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Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) speaks during a confirmation hearing for Jay Clayton to be the next director of national intelligence on July 15, 2026 in Washington, DC.
(Photo by Aaron Schwartz/Getty Images)
“You refuse to answer a basic question about who won a presidential election, but you asked to lead America’s intelligence community?”
Sen. Jon Ossoff on Wednesday put President Donald Trump’s nominee to be the next director of national intelligence on the spot by asking him about the results of the 2020 presidential election.
During a confirmation hearing before the Senate Intelligence Committee, Ossoff (D-Ga.) asked Jay Clayton, nominated by Trump to replace former DNI Tulsi Gabbard, who won the 2020 election.
“This is a job interview,” Ossoff said. “We have established that you have an obligation to be honest and forthright with the committee, yes? You do have an obligation to honest and forthright with the committee?”
“Yes,” Clayton said.
“Who won the 2020 election?” Ossoff pressed.
“Like I said, I’m not going to get into that with you,” Clayton said.
After former President Joe Biden won the 2020 election, Trump refused to concede, told multiple lies to sow doubt about the results, tried to enlist officials including Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and former Vice President Mike Pence to illegally overturn it, and then incited a violent riot at the US Capitol when those efforts failed.
Ossoff told Clayton that he would keep asking him about the 2020 election results because “you’re not being honest and forthright with the committee.”
“I’m not going to engage in the theater,” Clayton shot back.
After being pressed by Ossoff again, Clayton simply sat in silence, which appeared to make the Georgia Democrat incredulous.
“You refuse to answer a basic question about who won a presidential election,” Ossoff said, “but you asked to lead America’s intelligence community? Isn’t it humiliating to be unable to answer this question, to have to indulge the president’s delusions?”
“We know, you know, everybody in this room knows the truthful answer to that question,” Ossoff continued. “Why can you not give it?”
Sean Vitka, executive director for Demand Progress, said after the hearing that Clayton’s refusal to answer Ossoff’s question was disqualifying.
“Clayton’s trainwreck hearing showed us that he is willing to deny objective reality to avoid upsetting the president,” Vitka said. “Someone like that must not be allowed to be the director of national intelligence, who wields vast power and must lead the intelligence community with nonpartisan integrity and independence from political pressure.”
Vitka added that Democrats serving on congressional intelligence committees need to understand “the clear danger someone like Clayton would pose as Trump’s point man on government surveillance.”
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Two days after a federal immigration agent fatally shot 26-year-old Johan Sebastián Guerrero in Biddeford, Maine, the state’s Republican senator, who voted earlier this year to fund US Immigration and Customs Enforcement without requiring reforms, refused to say she regrets the vote.
Prem Thakker of Zeteo News approached Senate Appropriations Committee Chair Susan Collins at the Capitol on Wednesday with a polite but direct question.
“Hi senator, how are you?” Thakker began. “I was wondering, do you regret giving ICE more money, given the killings, including the one in your state?”
Collins, who was waiting for an elevator with an aide, did not reply, while her staffer asked what outlet Thakker was with before saying the senator had to leave.
As Collins approached the elevator, Thakker repeated the question: “No regrets?”
Watch @prem_thakker ask Sen. Susan Collins if she regrets funding ICE given its recent killings, including of 26-year-old Maine resident Joan Sebastian Guerrero. Collins defends herself, saying it went to bodycams & training. ICE wasn’t wearing bodycams when they killed Guerrero. pic.twitter.com/hl8FYYyBMq
The senator did not directly answer the question, but suggested she stood by her vote in April to provide ICE and Customs and Border Protection with $70 billion for the next three years—without agreeing to guardrails Democrats had demanded following the killings of at least four people since the beginning of 2026 and the deaths of dozens of people in ICE detention and during deportation operations in 2025.
She referred to “money I got for body-worn cameras and training”—but as Thakker pointed out, that money didn’t stop agents from killing Guerrero on Monday morning.
“They didn’t wear cameras though, did they, Senator?” asked Thakker as the elevator doors closed.
Guerrero, who reportedly had legal status in the US and was married with a 3-year-old daughter, was killed in his vehicle Monday morning. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) said ICE had been “conducting targeted surveillance on the last known address of an illegal alien with a final order of removal,” and details that have emerged since the shooting suggest Guerrero was not the person agents were looking for.
DHS said Guerrero “attempted to flee the scene” and bullet holes were seen in the windshield of Guerrero’s car. ICE agents are trained never to shoot into a moving car, but they have in several recent cases, including the killings of protester Renee Good in Minneapolis in January and immigrant Lorenzo Salgado Araujo in Houston last week.
Nirav Shah, who is running to be the Democratic US Senate candidate in Maine, noted that Collins’ call for ICE to suspend its use of vehicle stops was ineffectual, with President Donald Trumpordering the stops to continue on Wednesday.
“That is the entire measure of her influence in Washington,” said Shah. “Sen. Susan Collins can’t stop Trump, and she’s too weak to stand up to him—period.”
“Susan Collins funds ICE and has given them a blank check,” he added. “Maine does not need a senator who signs the checks and hopes for the best from Donald Trump. It needs one who will end ICE’s rampage and abolish it.”
Democratic US Senate candidate Troy Jackson also condemned Collins for helping Trump enact his “deadly, racist, and authoritarian agenda.”
“Mainers won’t forget,” he said.
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Conservatives often defend policies that feel hard-hearted. Why? Christopher Armitage and D. Carl Brown argue the root problem is a measurable empathy gap, not mere ideology.
Their concise analysis shows how this gap drives positions on poverty, immigration, pollution, reproductive rights, and LGBTQ+ equality, hurting millions while claiming virtue.
Grounded in psychology and real-world data, this book reframes the culture war and offers a path toward compassion-led politics.
Christopher Armitage is an Air Force veteran and researcher in psychology, law enforcement, and public policy.
D. Carl Brown is a clinical psychologist who studies empathy and personality in political behavior.
The vacancy rate has yet to reach pre-pandemic levels. Photo: Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images
After years of promises, a meaningful wave of office-to-housing conversions is finally moving into the development pipeline.
Why it matters: Even as AI companies help fuel an office market rebound, nearly a third of San Francisco office space remains vacant, making conversions a key part of downtown’s recovery and the push to build more housing.
Driving the news: Three projects are expected to submit applications this month, marking the strongest evidence yet that a package of zoning changes, tax incentives and streamlined approvals is unlocking conversions that developers previously said didn’t pencil out, the Chronicle reports.
The projects, totaling roughly 300 units, include plans to convert office buildings at 901 Market St., 2300 Stockton St. and 150 Hayes St.
The big picture: Converting aging office buildings into homes has been viewedas one way to address two of San Francisco’s biggest challenges post-pandemic: a persistent housing crunch and high office vacancy rate.
Between the lines: A few hundredunits is modest compared with the city’s overall housing needs, but the latest plans represent an important milestone under the city’s new conversion framework.
For years, developers have argued the math rarely worked and such conversions couldn’t be profitable. Older buildings often require costly structural upgrades, while permitting, fees and taxes added more hurdles.
The city has spent roughly five years addressing those barriers by reshaping its rules and rolling out new incentives such as expedited approvals, fee reductions and a new program allowing qualifying projects to recoup part of future property tax growth to help cover construction costs.
What they’re saying: Developers told the Chroniclethat the changes have finally made these projects financially feasible.
If developers can buy a building cheaply enough, projects like 150 Hayes can produce apartments for $500,000 to $600,000 per unit — well below the roughly $1 million per unit cost of new construction, Jack Sylvan of SDG told the Chronicle.
What we’re watching: The projects could provide a blueprint for much of downtown’s aging and unused office stock.
Officials hope to create a repeatable model for converting aging, lower-rent offices in particular — the ones that often lack the amenities of newer towers.
Those buildings are often cheaper to buy and may be less attractive to companies seeking space amid the return-to-office push.
The closed San Francisco Centre mall, pictured in 2025, is a good fit for conversion into a campus for the Ruth Asawa School of the Arts.Carlos Avila Gonzalez/S.F. Chronicle
Last week, a deal to purchase the San Francisco Centre collapsed after the prospective buyers were reportedly unable to renegotiate an existing long-term lease held by the San Francisco Unified School District for a portion of the property.
What happens next for the poster child of San Francisco’s doom-loop era is anyone’s guess.
This is an intimidating site: 1.5 million square feet on more than 5 acres, with an emptiness that casts a pall on a neighborhood finally making strides toward recovery. It’s a big ask to expect a private developer to gamble hundreds of millions on a complicated downtown mall with lease issues and uncertain retail prospects.
But what if we stop looking at the abandoned mall as a real estate headache and start seeing it for what it could become?
I propose that the district’s Ruth Asawa School of the Arts be moved here. It’s an idea no less fanciful than former Mayor London Breed’s to locate a soccer stadium there. In fact, I’d argue that an art school may be the most logical reuse proposal on the table. Not only would the school finally get the arts campus it has promised students for years, but the city would also signal its commitment to rebuilding the local arts community.
Yes, there would be bureaucratic complexities with such a plan. But let’s not get too in the weeds and just think boldly for a minute.
Two public schools existed at the mall’s site in the 1800s: Webster Primary School and Lincoln Grammar School. After the 1906 earthquake and fire destroyed the schools, the land was leased for commercial purposes to support the school district financially. The district still owns a portion of the underlying land, so converting the site back into an educational use makes practical and historical sense.
It also solves a problem the city has failed to solve for decades. The School of the Arts, located on Portola Drive just below Twin Peaks and overlooking Glen Canyon Park, was supposed to be relocated long ago. Over the last 20 years, the district tried to create a new, state-of-the-art campus at 135 Van Ness Ave. But that effort stalled under the weight of seismic problems, historic restrictions and runaway construction costs. The effort was all but abandoned.
That’s a tragedy. Ruth Asawa is an academic jewel of the district. But it has been taken for granted.
My daughter graduated from the school in 2024. She had a great experience studying there with passionate and committed teachers. But the studio space where she and her classmates spent every afternoon was a windowless classroom with no heat and a leaky roof.
The building is crumbling; the school’s programs are underfunded; the dance department has no on-site studio, and students have to be bussed across town to a space for them to practice.
That’s not the kind of space that inspires creativity.
There aren’t a lot of things that fit well on the layout of a former department store, but an arts school is one of them. The giant floor plates of Nordstrom or Bloomingdale’s could become dance studios, black-box theaters, art galleries, recording spaces and classrooms. These stores’ high ceilings and flexible interiors are assets, not obstacles.
Moving the School of the Arts to the former mall would bring students to a central, transit-rich location with quick and easy access to cultural institutions like the Museum of Modern Art, the Warfield theater and Davies Symphony Hall.
Architect Owen Kennerly, principal of Kennerly Architecture, agrees that the School of the Arts would be perfect for the mall site. “You want a hybridized ecosystem here, not a monoculture,” he told me. “There could be a school, housing, arts venues, maybe a tech research component and neighborhood-serving retail. There’s a movie theater there, so it’s already a venue.”
Anders Carpenter, the higher education practice leader at the global design firm Perkins & Will, sees the whole area as an opportunity zone: “The mall, the Mint, the Pickwick Hotel — think about that set of street corners and what that could become.”
Carpenter’s firm has been working on UC School of the Law San Francisco’s Academic Village, a shared, urban campus integrating housing and facilities across multiple universities, and he sees it as a possible model for building out the San Francisco Centre. Perkins + Will transformed the Highland Mall in Austin, Texas, into Austin Community College, where, Carpenter said, “Sears is now the filmmaking department, JCPenney is now computer science, and so on. Malls have good infrastructural connective tissue and common spaces that make a ton of sense for education.”
Mall-to-school conversions aren’t that unusual. Grand Rapids Community College in Michigan converted vacant mall space into a flexible higher-education hub. On the peninsula, the Los Altos School District is turning former retail land into a new school campus. After the 2025 Palisades Fire badly damaged Palisades Charter High School, displacing more than 2,500 students just two days before the beginning of their spring semester, architects at the firm Gensler transformed an old Sears building in Santa Monica into a fully functional, temporary campus — in 30 days.
As Gensler’s managing principal, Randy Howder, told me, “Things happen when they have to happen. There was the collective will.”
As for doing something similar at San Francisco Centre, Howder said, “It’s challenging in a multistory urban site. Harder than, say, a typical suburban shopping mall but still well suited to an urban campus.”
Yet apart from the steel and glass dome, there’s nothing particularly precious about this structure.
“If you go back and look at construction photos from the 1980s, it’s really just a simple steel frame that could be stripped down and converted,” Kennerly said.
Carpenter said the idea of an arts school conversion was on “fertile ground.”
Actually pulling it off, he noted, wouldn’t be easy.
“Who is the entity tying all those things together? That’s one of the big questions.”
Yet there’s no denying that students would be great for the neighborhood. They’d provide daily foot traffic. They need to eat — a lot. And they shop.
A downtown school campus could bring exactly the kind of steady, human-scale activity San Francisco keeps saying it wants.
Meanwhile, School of the Arts’ current 22-acre Portola Drive campus, about the size of nine city blocks, could be redeveloped into housing, yielding potentially 2,000 units in one of the city’s most desirable neighborhoods.
About Opinion
Guest opinions in Open Forum and Insight are produced by writers with expertise, personal experience or original insights on a subject of interest to our readers. Their views do not necessarily reflect the opinion of The Chronicle editorial board, which is committed to providing a diversity of ideas to our readership.
Allison Arieff is an Opinion Columnist and Editorial Writer for the San Francisco Chronicle with an emphasis on housing and transportation policy, design and urbanism.
She joined the Chronicle from MIT Technology Review, where she was the Editorial Director of Print. Arieff was previously Editorial Director of the Bay Area urban planning and policy think tank SPUR, and was a regular columnist for New York Times’ Opinion section from 2007-2020, focusing on cities, design and technology. She was the Editor in Chief and founding Senior Editor of the design and architecture magazine Dwell, which won the National Magazine Award for General Excellence during her tenure.
Kennedy Re-imagined Berkeley’s Future. Berkeley’s most fabled housing came from such legends as Bernard Maybeck, Julia Morgan and Walter Ratcliff. But the builder who has done the most to change the city’s landscape since the 1990’s is Patrick Kennedy. Kennedy won approval to build market rate housing in downtown Berkeley when none had been constructed since World War 2. He was arguably the first YIMBY, making arguments for building taller and denser infill housing that have become staples of the pro-housing movement.
Kennedy’s Panoramic Interests has built 699 units in Berkeley in 16 projects. It has 476 more units in 7 projects in the pipeline. No other builder comes close to matching Panoramic’s visual impact on the Berkeley landscape.
How did Kennedy do it? How did a person arriving in Berkeley in 1986 overcome five decades of the city’s anti-housing policies? Kennedy has surmounted seemingly insurmountable barriers to get housing built in both Berkeley and San Francisco. Could his approach be a model for others?
Here is how Kennedy’s Panoramic Interests succeeded.
The First YIMBY?
While Patrick Kennedy was attending Harvard Law School he decided he did not want to be a practicing attorney. He took a break to get a masters degree in real estate development from MIT. After passing the bar he went to work at BART in its real estate department.
Kennedy’s Berkeley legacy started when he built a three unit condo. He then built a 24 unit condo project at Shattuck and Hearst. Panoramic Interests went on to develop 473 units, most in large projects.
Kennedy was a 1990’s builder talking about housing in 21st century terms. He urged cities to “decriminalize housing development” and promoted “transit oriented development” decades before the YIMBY movement made these terms commonplace.
The Berkeley City Council ultimately had the power to approve or kill projects. It had not been swayed by pro-housing arguments in the past. Kennedy changed this dynamic. He did so by building political support among progressive groups supporting more housing.
Three constituencies in particular turned out at council meetings to back Kennedy’s projects: disabled activists associated with the renown Center for Independent Living, environmentalists connected with the Greenbelt Alliance, and UC Berkeley students. Kennedy did in Berkeley what Joe O’Donoghue was doing for the Residential Builders Association in San Francisco: they mobilized political support for housing projects so that naysayers stopped dominating hearings.
Kennedy aligned his projects with longtime council member Shirley Dean. Dean was the leading “moderate” on the council for years before serving as mayor from 1994-2002. She was an anathema to progressives. Progressive council members like Dona Spring almost consistently opposed Kennedy’s projects.
Kennedy’s Panoramic Interests became a political lightning rod. After progressive councilmember Carla Woodworth broke from the progressive consensus and backed a Kennedy project, the six term incumbent was defeated for re-election in 1996 due to her vote.
Kennedy was Berkeley’s first developer to use the state density bonus enacted in 1978. He suspects other builders didn’t know about it. Kennedy’s legal training likely contributed to his being a builder who always understood the legal landscape.
Kennedy sold all of this Berkeley properties in 2007. He and his wife wanted to move to San Francisco so he shifted Panoramic Interests focus there.
Kennedy’s Housing for the Unhoused
Kennedy built three projects in San Francisco. All in the South of Market. What would have been Panoramic’s biggest impact was never implemented: a cost-effective strategy for housing the unhoused.
In February 2017 Kennedy wrote a story for Beyond Chron touting a new strategy for reducing homelessness. As he described:
It is a multi-story, modular, prefabricated housing system that meets all of San Francisco’s building and seismic codes and eliminates many of the costly aspects of micro-apartment development. And because of its size, design , and use of technology, the MicroPAD® represents a complete modernization and reinvention the residential hotel.…the MicroPAD building system reduces development times by 40–50% and offers project cost savings of 30%-40% over conventional development.
After Kennedy contacted me about the MicroPAD we had several THC tenants visit a mock unit. They loved it. Mayor Ed Lee also loved the idea of our leasing these units. But he told me I had to get the San Francisco Building Trades Council sign off on a city-funded project using modular housing.
I pitched the plan to Michael Terriot, then the union’s head. I offered to condition the city’s support for modular housing for the unhoused on legislation banning it for other projects. But he did not want to open the modular housing door. So Kennedy’s cost effective strategy for housing the unhoused went nowhere.
I tried to revive the modular strategy in 2020. I wrote a story about how San Francisco could house 6000 homeless persons in two years. See “Solving San Francisco’s Homeless Crisis.” The city could have used Kennedy’s housing strategy instead of wrecking the Tenderloin’s Little Saigon by converting tourist hotels in the area to shelters. But the city again missed a major opportunity to meaningfully homelessness. These photos show the Berkeley project for the unhoused that Kennedy could have replicated in San Francisco.
Kennedy is not as positive on modular as he once was. He sees a problem with its use in tight infill sites due to traffic issues. But there remain enough viable sites for the Lurie Administration to examine the feasibility of Kennedy’s strategy. Kennedy thinks 2000 units is still doable.
Building in SF is “Impossible”
Kennedy describes building private market housing in San Francisco as “impossible.” He blames the city’s dysfunctional inclusionary housing rules. Not the percentage of affordable units—which Mayor Lurie and the Board is moving to sharply lower–but the extreme delays in filling these affordable units.
Kennedy’s project at 333 12th Street had 26 below market rent units. After 2 and 1/2 years, the Mayor’s Office of Housing filled only eight of the vacancies. This with a waiting list of 3000! Kennedy offered to provide staff to MOH to process applications for vacancies. They weren’t interested.
San Francisco could easily fix this problem by allowing the owners to fill their own vacancies. MOH would then monitor to ensure income limits have been met. Instead the city remains wedded to a Rube Goldberg-like placement strategy that keeps affordable units vacant, costs nonprofit owners desperately needed funds and pushes builders like Panoramic out of the city.
Returning to Berkeley
So Kennedy returned to Berkeley. In my 2018 book Generation Priced Out, I was very critical of Berkeley’s anti-housing policies for driving out the working and middle-class. But Berkeley has become one of the nation’s most pro-housing cities. Kennedy just finished a project on Francisco Street at Shattuck and has two approved North Berkeley projects left to build. All three are on the Northside, where little new housing has been built.
Patrick Kennedy has “never been more bullish about Berkeley.” His persistence in trying to get housing built has encouraged other builders. Kennedy and Panoramic Interests have provided Berkeley with a more vibrant and inclusive future.
Randy Shaw is the Editor of Beyond Chron and the Director of San Francisco’s Tenderloin Housing Clinic, which publishes Beyond Chron. Shaw’s new book is the revised and updated, The Tenderloin: Sex, Crime and Resistance in the Heart of San Francisco. His prior books include Generation Priced Out: Who Gets to Live in the New Urban America. The Activist’s Handbook: Winning Social Change in the 21st Century, and Beyond the Fields: Cesar Chavez, the UFW and the Struggle for Justice in the 21st Century.
France’s annual July 14 military parade this year featured aircraft from 11 European countries and around 500 troops from Coalition of the Willing allies that have pledged to help with Ukraine’s post-war security in a showcase of support for Kyiv. The event marked President Emmanuel Macron’s last Bastille Day parade in his role.
Ukrainian fighter pilots and troops took pride of place in France‘s national Bastille Day celebrations Tuesday as a massive parade showcased support for Ukraine and symbolically flexed European military muscle.
On President Emmanuel Macron’s last Bastille Day as president, he hosted around 30 other leaders for an event that appeared aimed at showing both Russian President Vladimir Putin and US President Donald Trump that Europe is united and stepping up to defend itself.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was given an ovation from the assembled European leaders as he arrived and his country’s troops got the biggest cheers of the day from crowds on the tree-lined Champs-Élysées avenue. Zelensky and Macron shared repeated hugs at the end of the parade.
France’s biggest national holiday coincided with raging forest fires and a red-alert heatwave that forced the cancellation of traditional fireworks and firefighters’ balls.
Macron reviews troops for the last time at France’s annual military parade
Cover image: French President Emmanuel Macron speaks with Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy as they leave after the annual Bastille Day military parade on the Place de la Concorde in Paris, France REUTERS – Benoit Tessier
Here’s what to know about Bastille Day this year:
It’s celebrated on July 14 because that’s the day Parisians stormed the Bastille fortress and prison in 1789, helping spark the French Revolution that overthrew the monarchy and sent King Louis XVI and his queen Marie-Antoinette to the guillotine.
Bastille Day holiday is central to the French calendar and national identity. Presidents use it to vaunt France’s accomplishments, mayors across the country host village festivals and families gather for holiday meals.
The centerpiece is the Paris parade beneath the Napoleon-era Arc de Triomphe and along the Champs-Élysées avenue, which inspired Trump to stage his own parade last year.
‘Coalition of the willing’
A huge French tricolor flag hanging below the monumental arch rippled in the wind as a military band on horseback rode down the tree-lined avenue followed by Macron standing in an open military vehicle to kick off the parade.
Spectators wore hats and brandished small fans to fend off the heat as a formation of air force planes roared overhead trailing red, white and blue smoke.
Zelensky joined Macron along with some 30 other heads of state or government in the special viewing area for the parade.
Ukrainian troops marched along the cobblestoned avenue, and Ukrainian co-pilots trained in France were on board two Mirage 2000B fighter jets alongside French air force pilots.
“I feel very proud for the fact that they’re here and for the fact that we’re marching alongside of them and I think it as well it will create better ties with them and NATO and to be a part of that history,” 21-year-old UK soldier Lance Cpl. Patrick Risso said of the Ukrainian involvement.
On the ground, the parade opened with around 500 troops from the ″coalition of the willing″ grouping of countries that have pledged to help with Ukraine’s postwar security.
Macron said Monday night that it’s a ″great honour″ to welcome to the parade ″all the partners in the coalition of the willing and our Ukrainian friends who will march with us and illustrate its strategic reawakening and our unity″.
The foreign fighters in combat fatigues and dress uniforms marched with their national flags, in a break with tradition – usually only one foreign country is invited to take part in the parade. It was the first time in some 20 years that British troops took part. Ukrainian forces got the loudest cheers from the crowd.
The parade set a record in terms of number of troops: The Paris military governor said 7,600 troops were marching this year, compared with 5,810 in 2025. Thousands of soldiers started taking up positions early Tuesday, many taking selfies as helicopters flew overhead.
Forest fires are raging in the Fontainebleau forest south of Paris and in areas of southern France, as the country suffers through its third heatwave this year.
As a result, authorities in some regions – including the French capital – banned fireworks and firefighters‘ balls customarily held around Bastille Day.
The Eiffel Tower‘s fireworks and drone show was maintained, however, and held Monday night, including a drone formation shaped like the Statue of Liberty – a gift from France to the United States that arrived in New York in 1885 to mark the US centennial, the end of the American Civil War, and friendship between the two countries.
San Francisco has changed profoundly in the past 25 years, and not always for the better. It’s safer: In 1990, the city had 102 homicides. In 2024, 35. But it’s also far more expensive, far whiter, far less diverse in general, and lacking in the underground, cutting-edge creative counterculture energy that attracted people like me in the first place.
The roots of that transformation go back to Aug. 9, 1995, when a company called Netscape, that made a browser for the World Wide Web, had its initial public offering on Wall Street. Suddenly, vast sums of venture capital poured into the city as the dot-com boom took over San Francisco life.
Massive fortunes were made over the next decades. Massive numbers of working-class families lost their homes to displacement. Homelessness increased, as even people with jobs were forced onto the streets by greedy landlords and soaring rents.
Tech companies like Uber, Lyft, and Airbnb broke the city’s laws with impunity, destroying the lives of cab drivers and turning rental housing into hotel rooms, while Mayor Ed Lee either looked away or encouraged the illegal startups. Developers built luxury condos downtown, and many were bought by international speculators who never lived there.
Now we’re living through another tech boom, this time in AI—and it appears the people who run the city haven’t learned the lessons of the past.
So it’s useful to reflect on that period between 1990 and today, and that’s what longtime journalist Jonathan Weber has done in his new book, City on the Edge. Weber and I don’t always agree on politics, but he’s an old friend and an excellent reporter, and the book covers the period with exceptional detail, told through some of the characters that defined the era.
I got to talk to Jonathan recently about the book and the history that both of us lived through. A transcript follows, edited for clarity.
48HILLSIt’s particularly interesting to talk about this because I lived through all of it, and you live through a lot of it.
At one point, I think you talked about how you kind of saw this as a, in a weird way, a sequel to David Talbot’s book, Season of the Witch.
JONATHAN WEBER I never explicitly conceived of it that way. Talbot’s book was great, and mine is similar in that it kind of covers an arc of time the city and, and in some ways, I kind of pick up a little bit where he left off.
48HILLSOne of the themes that comes through here that I have found really interesting is, you talk about the birth of the internet in San Francisco, and you also talk about things like Burning Man and how, you know, the early days, the early days of the Internet in San Francisco were a really creative time.
And it was a lot of young creative people, although not all.
My first experience was the internet with the internet was through the WELL, the Whole Earth ‘Lectronic Link, which was founded by Stewart Brand, which is coming out of the ’60s hippies era and the Whole Earth Catalog, and then they got into this technology, and it was all about making connections.
And it was all about doing incredibly cool creative stuff. And then Netscape went public, and Mark Andreessen became a billionaire, and all of a sudden, from my perspective, having been here, the vibe changed completely.
It was no longer about being creative and fun and Burning Man. It was about getting rich and getting rich fast. And that really, that now we’re talking dot-com boom one, but that really changed San Francisco’s attitude kind of dramatically.
The people who moved here were not people who moved here to be creative. There were people who moved here to get rich quick. And the venture capitalists got involved. All this vast amount of Venture capital pours into San Francisco. And so maybe you can talk a little bit about that era and that change.
JONATHAN WEBER Well, I think that’s right. In the very early days in the early 1990s when the Internet, as we know it, first being developed, the World Wide Web, that was a time of great creativity and the kind of cultural dynamics of the city, the kind of tendrils of the counterculture that had marked and developed into a different kind of underground culture.
A lot of people who were interested in technology were also interested in that culture, people who were interested in the Internet often were explorers of some kind. We’re curious, we’re looking for new interesting things. And so there was a real kind of cultural affinity.
In those early days, there was a lot of idealism about what this tech would bring, and it was going to make a better world. It was going to connect and empower people. It was a new kind of economy, the new economy would be less hierarchical and more egalitarian, more inspiring. And then in the mid-1990s, as you mentioned, Netscape went public, and that’s referred to still in Silicon Valley as the Netscape Moment, when venture capitalists realized that this was a gigantic business opportunity.
And so a lot of money began to pour into the business. So, yes, I think that brought a very big and fundamental kind of change.
At the same time, it was a change that didn’t really happen quite overnight. I mean, the Netscape Moment was a moment. And then from that point, Venture Capital and the financial dimension of the tech industry was very important. But it wasn’t really the only thing.
And even in the 2000s, I would argue after the dot-com bust, there was a period of really a lot of creativity that was about the money, but not exclusively, not like it is now.
48HILLSThere was a period when people would fly into Burning Man in private planes and have these special rich people camps, where the young people who had made millions of dollars in tech startups would have people cook for them and take care of them. And it became a luxury vacation as opposed to an artist colony.
JONATHAN WEBER That’s why Burning Man is in a sense a character in the book, and it really is such a perfect metaphor for the city in so many ways, with that being one of them.
So in the city, there was a lot of resentment over rich people coming in and buying up the houses and squeezing everybody out and creating this kind of two-tier society in the city.
And so similarly at Burning Man, there was a very, very similar dynamic where, as you say, rich people came flying in with teams to cook for them and their own private camps and this kind of stuff.
And the organizers tried to outlaw some of that stuff. They’ve tried to crack down on that in, in different ways.
But first of all, it’s not that easy to do, right, to enforce certain kinds of rules. And then they do actually need those folks to keep the operation going, so they don’t want to piss them off.
48HILLS In the second tech boom in San Francisco, which I’d like your thoughts on, the city under Mayor Ed Lee stopped enforcing its own laws. I mean, every single Airbnb listing in San Francisco was illegal. San Francisco did not allow short-term rentals. Every single Uber ride was illegal. Every single Lyft ride was illegal. The Google buses were illegal. They were parking in the Muni stops.
I actually cornered a parking control officer at one point and said, look, that bus is parking in the Muni stop. If I do that, I get a$ 271 ticket. Why aren’t you ticketing them? And the guy said to me, because we were told not to. And basically, Ed Lee’s love of tech became this laissez faire thing where basically people were making a fortune by breaking the law. I know the tech industry loves to say move fast and break things, but they were breaking laws that the city had for very good reasons.
There are very good reasons why you needed a license to operate a taxi cab. There were very good reasons why you can’t have short-term rentals. It displaces renters. And, you know, Airbnb probably displaced 10,000 San Francisco renters while Brian Chesky became a billionaire. And that really, that kind of attitude—because we’re in the tech industry and we’re about to get really rich, we don’t have to follow the rules that everyone else follows. And that kind of became the ethos for a while.
JONATHAN WEBER I think that certainly in some of those businesses that you mentioned, the strategy was that cliche: better to ask forgiveness than ask permission. So the theory was that we’re just going to push ahead and, and, and do this stuff. And when people come to stop us, well, we’ll cross that bridge when we get to it.
In the case of, of Uber in particular, you know, I do think that the city made its own bed in many ways because they were just unable to solve the problem of the taxis. Like, you couldn’t get a freaking taxi. Every person in San Francisco had known this for many years, and it was a constant source of irritation that you could never get a taxi when you needed it. And you had this ridiculous system where, they didn’t have a central dispatch, so you had to call, like, the individual companies. And it was preposterous.
And so that fact is what opened the door.
When Uber came along and, and then the city is like, no, no, you know, we got to shut this stuff down. But then the state PUC was like, well, but, but how are you going to solve the cab problem?
48HILLSBut the city didn’t say we’re going to shut this down. I actually met with the head of the Taxi Commission when Uber and Lyft were first starting. And she told me, these are illegal. These are dangerous. People are going to get assaulted. We cannot just let anybody drive a cab. And I want to stop this. But my boss Ed Lee said to let it go.
JONATHAN WEBER But again, people liked Uber, you know? People did not want Uber to be shut down. Then finally they hired Susan Kennedy and got the state to write the law that they wanted.
49HILLSBut the real killer of this is right before Uber and Lyft started operating. The city shifted its taxicab model. And instead of having medallions issued by seniority, they started selling them. And the city brought in like $50 million and they sold these medallions for $300,000. And the cab drivers took out loans. To buy these, like a mortgage. And then Uber and Lyft came along, and within a year, those medallions were worthless. And I feel bad for the cab drivers because the city didn’t enforce its own laws, but also did nothing for the cab drivers who were now in hock for the mountain of a mortgage that they could never pay off.
JONATHAN WEBER I mean, the city, this was screwed up royally.
48HILLSAnd landlords really liked Airbnb, too, because it was a way to make money and not have to worry about tenants. You just get rid of your tenants and you turn this into short-term rentals. You can make far more money.
JONATHAN WEBER Yeah. I actually don’t really know why the city didn’t really enforce the law.
48HILLSOh, I know why. Because, because it was a local tech company and Ed Lee said, don’t enforce these laws. I mean, literally the people in the Planning Department who oversaw this told me: We were not supposed to enforce this law. Because we’re encouraging tech companies and innovative stuff. And that led to thousands of evictions. Tenants lost their homes, but it was popular.
And then, of course, afterwards, after it became popular than supervisor David Chu worked out legislation to regulate it and allow it in certain circumstances. Which they could have done from the start. The first time they saw one of these things, they could have said, OK, no, you can’t do that. We are going to find you. But if this is a model that people want, let’s figure out how to regulate it. Instead, the Mayor’s Office let it go until it was out of control. And then the supervisors had to retroactively try to figure out how to regulate it.
JONATHAN WEBER Right, right. I agree. The law they ended up with is the thing they should have arguably started out with. Or some version of it. It’s not that strict of the law compared to New York. But it still seems to eliminate a lot of the Airbnbs.
48HILLSI want to move on to the latest, the AI boom, because I know we’re both fascinated by this. So now we have another whole tech boom. And it’s creating a different weird kind of problems. I mean, now it’s not apartments in the Mission where we’re seeing displacement. It’s a shortage of mansions. They can’t find enough $10 million houses for people who are coming out here and getting these insane salaries and people are trying to trade their house for Anthropic stock. And in a weird way, I’m reminded of the first dot com boom, when it’s like all these companies are raising money with really little business plan.
It just seems like there’s just an awful lot of VC money and speculation going on here. And it just seems to me it can’t last. What do you think?
JONATHAN WEBER Having seen my share of bubbles, it definitely has the feel of a bubble, if you look at any traditional valuation metrics, they don’t support the valuations of a lot of these companies.
These things are tricky. If you look at it from an investor point of view, the valuations aren’t really supported by any, any traditional metrics and all of this makes no sense. So most of the things that you could say about the current situation, you could also have said 18 months ago. In the meantime, people have made a lot of money.
The fact that it’s a bubble doesn’t mean you should sell everything now, you know, because it could go on and the bubble is where all the money is actually made. If it happens tomorrow, that’s a very, very different thing than if it happens in three years.
48HILLS One of the interesting arguments that I have with people about this entire period of San Francisco history and particularly with folks from the more conservative perspective is they say this was all a failure of the progressives in government.
The problem is we haven’t had a progressive mayor since Art Agnos. All this period you’re talking about, we had, we had Willie Brown. We had Gavin Newsom. We had Ed Lee, we had London Breed. All of them were at best moderates. And the mayor in San Francisco has, as you and I know, because I wrote a piece for you about it, has a tremendous amount of power.
JONATHAN WEBER Yeah, well, I guess, you know, my, my takeaway broadly is that the kind of moderate-progressive debate and the importance of that is kind of exaggerated in a way. My read is that for this entire period, from the election of Willie until 2024, you had his notion of kind of the “city family.”
And the progressives were kind of part of it, too. And so you can say the governance failures of the city are the fault of the city family, which is, which includes both progressives and moderates. You know, it was like a collective, it was a collective failure. Everyone shares some responsibility.
48HILLSI look at the Airbnb thing as a classic example where five progressives on the board of supervisors led by David Campos wanted to strictly regulate Airbnb, more on the level that they’ve done in New York and other places. The moderates, led by David Chu wanted to allow airbnb to, to operate with far less regulation. And that was a huge fight. And it came down to a 6-5 vote. And Airbnb got everything it wanted.
But it’s not because the progressives weren’t trying to regulate. They were just outvoted. They just didn’t have the power to do this. But I think there were a lot of people who are really fighting back against a lot of this stuff. And, you know, David Campos had a bill that would have limited evictions. And he narrowly got it through. And then the courts threw it out.
So it’s not like there weren’t progressives trying to make policy. It’s just they were either overridden by the mayor or they didn’t, they couldn’t, they couldn’t get the six votes. And I think Airbnb was a classic. Big Tech and real estate won. And it wasn’t that the progressives weren’t trying. They just failed. They didn’t have the votes.
JONATHAN WEBER Sure, yes. But do you really think that would have fundamentally changed the trajectory of the city? I mean, the things that people are really upset about don’t have anything to do with that.
48HILLSBut at the time they did, because the time we were seeing lots and lots of low income tenants thrown out of their homes so they could be turned into Airbnbs. This Airbnb fight was not about tech. It was about evictions. That’s what it was about. And I think we might have saved five or ten thousand renters if we had more strictly regulated Airbnb. And nobody at City Hall was on the side of the poor cab drivers. And I understand they made their own mess. But for the love of God, you can’t sell them a permit for $300,000 and then turn around next year and make it worthless.
JONATHAN WEBER Again, I would just emphasize that I think that sometimes the liberal/progressive vs. moderate divide, I think it’s outlived its usefulness. For one thing, as a category, especially now, I just never understood what “moderate” was supposed to mean exactly.
I think that in the same way that Gavin Newsom, in response to the criticism that we didn’t really get that much done while he were mayor, he would say, well, it was this obstructionist Board of Supervisors that wouldn’t let me do anything. So, the progressives say, well, there was these terrible mayors, and then the mayors say, well, it was these terrible progressive supervisors… Well, I say yes. It was both of you.
I disagree with my old friend Jon. There are two sides in local politics, and one side has made the situation far worse, and the other side has tried to make it better. But that’s a discussion for another time.
Tim Redmond has been a political and investigative reporter in San Francisco for more than 30 years. He spent much of that time as executive editor of the Bay Guardian. He is the founder of 48hills.
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