Key allies abandon owner of Manny’s in SF after sexual assault accusation

By Madilynne Medina, News ReporterJuly 8, 2026 (SFGate.com)

Manny Yekutiel and presidential candidate Tom Steyer during Steyer’s appearance at Manny’s in San Francisco on Wednesday, July 17, 2019.Scott Strazzante/SF Chronicle via Getty Images

Editor’s note: This story contains descriptions of alleged sexual assault. If you or someone you know needs help, please call the National Sexual Assault Telephone Hotline at 800-656-4673 in the U.S.

A prominent San Francisco activist and Mission District cafe owner is facing sexual assault allegations that have quickly eroded support for his campaign for the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. 

Manny Yekutiel, who owns the popular cafe and events venue named after himself on 16th Street in San Francisco, is accused of aggressively groping a local activist during a party at a home in 2020, the San Francisco Standard first reported. Brad Joseph Chapin, a nonprofit worker and former Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club board member, came forward with the allegations against Yekutiel and filed a police report in April.

In an interview with SFGATE, Chapin said he was at a party at a home in February 2020 when Yekutiel allegedly assaulted him. He also detailed the allegations in the police report filed in April and viewed by SFGATE on Monday.

Chapin told SFGATE that when he first saw Yekutiel sitting alone at the party, he didn’t immediately recognize him because Yekutiel looked like he “hadn’t slept in several days.” Chapin said Yekutiel then approached him and allegedly stuck his hand down Chapin’s pants, “forcibly” grabbing Chapin’s genitalia, causing intense pain and squeezing harder as Chapin tried to escape.

“Every time I tried to get away, he yanked and pulled and it was horrible,” Chapin told SFGATE. He said he only knew Yekutiel through mutual friends and was startled and frightened by the alleged assault, which he described as “violent.” 

In a Monday Instagram video statement, Yekutiel denied the allegations, saying he was accused of “pretty terrible things.”

“One, whenever someone accuses someone of something like this, they deserve to be heard and taken seriously. … I felt really bad that he felt this way, and I would never want to cause pain or hurt to anyone,” Yekutiel said. “But the other thing I know to be true is that I didn’t do this to him. I have gone out, I’ve partied, and I’ve been part of the city’s queer nightlife scene, but I’ve always tried to respect people’s boundaries and treat people with respect as best as I can.” 

Yekutiel also denied the allegations in a statement that Connor Skelly, a spokesperson for Yekutiel’s campaign for District 8 supervisor, shared with SFGATE last week.

“What is being described did not happen. When he reached out to me, I told him directly that it didn’t happen. He filed a police report, the police investigated and took no further action,” Yekutiel’s statement read. “They said they didn’t even need to interview me. His account has changed more than once since. And now, after more than six years, he’s raising it publicly for the first time, just as I’ve entered this race. There’s nothing here. I did not do this.”

SFGATE reached out multiple times to the San Francisco Police Department requesting further details about the police report and the investigation into Chapin’s allegations, including contacting multiple spokespeople and sending messages via phone and email. None of our inquiries yielded responses from either spokesperson Robert Rueca or spokesperson Evan Sernoffsky despite repeated messages to each specifically. According to a May 1 email from an SFPD investigator to Chapin that Chapin shared with SFGATE, the investigator was unable to “build enough [probable] cause to move forward with criminal charges.” The case “will remain open but be in an inactive status pending discovery of additional evidence,” the investigator wrote. 

Chapin said he didn’t report the alleged assault for years because he feared no one would believe him and because Yekutiel was well known in San Francisco’s political circles. 

“I was so scared that people wouldn’t believe me. I feel like 90% of the difficulty for coming forward about something like this, if there’s no video evidence of it, is that you’re gonna be accused of lying,” he said. “… It took everything in me not to say something, but also, I was so scared of the amount of power and influence he had, like his word against mine.”

Chapin’s breaking point, he said, was after he learned that Yekutiel is one of four candidates running in the November election for supervisor of District 8, an area that includes the Castro, Noe Valley, Diamond Heights, Mission Dolores and Cole Valley. (The incumbent supervisor, Rafael Mandelman, is unable to run for reelection due to term limits.) When Yekutiel announced his candidacy in September, Chapin said he “shut down.”

“I could barely talk, unable to function, like I barely got out of bed, except for the things I needed to for a couple of weeks,” he said. “… If I didn’t come forward, like, I would just be sitting worried.”

Ivy Lee, the director of the Mayor’s Office for Victims’ Rights, told the SF Standard that she spoke with Chapin and encouraged him to come forward with the report. She told the outlet the claims appeared to be credible and said she disagreed with Yekutiel’s criticism of the timing of Chapin’s allegations. Lee did not respond to SFGATE’s repeated requests for comment.

According to the SF Standard’s report, Lee also called Yekutiel’s response a “tired and predictable playbook for alleged perpetrators,” saying that they “blame the victim, shame the victim” and deny allegations. 

Chapin pushed back on the implication that his allegations could be politically motivated. 

“This has nothing to do with his politics, and if it wasn’t for this happening, for all I know, I could have been supporting him,” Chapin said. “… There’s no way on earth that I would subject myself to this amount of humiliation and embarrassment if it wasn’t true.”

Yet in his Monday statement, Yekutiel again suggested the accusations are related to his campaign. 

“I do think that what’s happening here is an attempt to assassinate my character,” he said. “I was told at the beginning of this that politics in our city could get pretty nasty. And I definitely know that that’s true. And I see that now.”

Yekutiel has been a close ally of San Francisco Mayor Daniel Lurie, even before Lurie was elected to the San Francisco office. Yekutiel and Lurie co-founded a nonprofit initiative in 2023 called the Civic Joy Fund, CBS Bay Area previously reported, which is a program created to help clean and revitalize the city’s streets post-pandemic.

On July 2, Lurie told the SF Standard that he has “no plans” to endorse a candidate for the District 8 supervisorial seat. 

Yekutiel’s cafe, Manny’s, has also become a center for civic gatherings, such as election watch parties and keynote speeches. However, the recent allegations have caused some people to withdraw from their appearances at Manny’s and rescind their endorsements for his campaign. 

Jason Galisatus, a spokesperson for state Senate candidate Christine Pelosi (daughter of House Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi), told SFGATE that Pelosi withdrew from an event at Yekutiel’s San Francisco cafe because of the allegations but did not provide further comment. According to the SF Standard, Rudy Gonzalez, San Francisco Building & Construction Trades Council secretary-treasurer, also withdrew from the event for the same reason. 

The offices of Rep. Lateefah Simon, who represents the East Bay, Attorney General Rob Bonta and District 7 Supervisor Myrna Melgar all confirmed to SFGATE that they have pulled their endorsements of Yekutiel. 

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“I was not previously aware of the sexual assault allegations against Manny Yekutiel. It is incredibly important that victims in any situation have the ability to come forward and are supported after,” Simon said in a statement shared with SFGATE. “Following this news, I have since retracted my endorsement.” 

Chapin said his main hope is that people ultimately believe his account and that people who have experienced sexual assault feel more comfortable coming forward in the future.

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“What does justice look like for me has nothing to do with Manny,” he said. “What justice looks like for me is just to genuinely be believed.”

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July 8, 2026

Madilynne Medina

News Reporter

Madilynne Medina is a news reporter for SFGATE. Born and raised in the Bay Area, she earned a B.S. in journalism from San Jose State, where she served as executive editor for the Spartan Daily, and has also worked at NBC Bay Area. When she’s not out in the field reporting, she’s likely trying a new workout or listening to The Weeknd. You can contact her at madilynne.medina@sfgate.com.

Maine’s Three Likely Replacements for Graham Platner

Troy Jackson, Shenna Bellows, and Nirav Shah all bring different qualities to a showdown with Susan Collins.

Gabrielle Gurleyby Gabrielle Gurley July 9, 2026 (Prospect.org)

Nirav Shah, Troy Jackson, and Shenna Bellows participating in a debate
Three major contenders for the Maine Democratic Senate nomination, including Nirav Shah, far left, Troy Jackson, second from left, and Shenna Bellows, right, took part in a gubernatorial debate in April. Credit: Screenshot/WMTW News 8

There had been an uneasy expectation in Maine political circles that something else was going to drop with Graham Platner. After this week’s rape allegation, his swift downfall is not surprising. The harbormaster of Sullivan has joined the sad and mostly male parade of American politicians who operate under the conceit that their past transgressions will never outpace them.

But eventually, on Wednesday night, Platner stepped aside. And the question now turns to who will replace him, through a statewide convention in a couple of weeks, as the Prospect has reported.

More from Gabrielle Gurley

Maine is a very small state when it comes to politics: The political players all know each other well. Unless there are the darkest secrets among the major contenders, the skeletons in those closets have already smashed to the floor. The knowns are known.

The politician who can generate the same kind of excitement that the charismatic Platner did doesn’t exist in Maine. His candidacy had already fueled infighting between progressives enthused by the new entrant and allies of Gov. Janet Mills. That competition has no winner in the conventional sense and will complicate the campaign over the next few months—if not completely blow it up. Which means that the next candidate must have the skill set to squelch the Democratic civil war and wage the uphill battle of defeating Susan Collins.

All three meet the first prerequisite for a candidacy under least-best circumstance: statewide name recognition.

One entrant, Maine state Rep. Valli Geiger (D-Rockland) says she has Platner’s backing, a dubious honor for the Mid-Coast Mainer given his deep tarnish. (The Platner campaign has a different story.) Another person with traction is Maine Beer Company co-founder Dan Kleban. He dropped out of the Senate race early on. “I’ve spent years talking to Mainers over a beer in our taproom and throughout the community … I’m ready to fight for Mainers and bring a new generation of leadership to Washington,” he said in a Wednesday afternoon statement. Jordan Wood, a former House staffer and third-place finisher in the Second Congressional District, is reportedly interested, but like Geiger lacks a statewide profile.

The major contenders competing for the Senate slot, therefore, boil down to three former Democratic candidates for governor. There’s Troy Jackson, the former state Senate president; Shenna Bellows, the secretary of state; and Dr. Nirav Shah, former head of the Maine Center for Disease Control and Prevention, who directed the state’s COVID-19 response.

All of them meet the first prerequisite for a candidacy under least-best circumstance: statewide name recognition boosted by their primary campaigns for governor. The question is whether a deflated, angry voter and volunteer base can be invigorated by one of them to defeat a senator who should be on a course to retirement.

The Jackson campaign’s “Draft Troy” movement is well under way. The former Senate president from the tiny hamlet of Allagash, population 237, in Aroostook County in the North Maine Woods, is a logger on his fifth pacemaker who never had health insurance until he served in the legislature. He had been endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders for governor—and now by Sanders’s Our Revolution group for the Senate. He’s the most Platner-esque of the trio, and has been serving up robust critiques of “the system” that makes life difficult to impossible for working Mainers for decades. (He has said that he would not want Platner’s endorsement.)

His top campaign planks rested on confronting the housing crisis, lowering child care costs, and restoring tribal sovereignty to the state’s Wabanaki Nations.

I interviewed the sharp, plain-speaking Jackson in the Before Times, when he won his state Senate seat by a slim three percentage points in 2016. After the presidential election, he told me why Donald Trump won.

On trade: “Donald Trump understood that so many people feel like they are losing what they have in life because of bad trade deals and things like that. I flat-out don’t believe that he will do anything to help in that regard. But he made it a huge issue. He was very adamant that he was going to change those trade deals.”

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On the far right: “What the far-right has done so well is that they have convinced people that, when they are struggling, don’t ever look up at where the problem actually is, keep your eyes down on those less fortunate. It’s not the guy who gets $40 million in some type of government program that didn’t do shit to produce any jobs. It is not the people on Wall Street that completely screw up the economy that we had to bail out. It’s those bums down there who are getting $500, $600 a month on TANF. Get rid of them and your life is going to be better.”

Of the five major Democratic candidates for governor, Jackson, Bellows, and the eventual winner Hannah Pingree—the former Speaker of the Maine House—formed a pact all agreeing to rank each other. Maine uses ranked-choice voting for many of its elections.

In the legislature, Jackson had the reputation as a difficult colleague, with a fair share of failures to communicate with other lawmakers and the governor’s office. Some allies of Mills have categorically dismissed his run for governor, exhibiting more than a hint of snobbery toward the sharp, plain-speaking Mainer. Given the tenor of the times on Capitol Hill, he might fit right in.

Bellows has tussled with Collins before. After stepping down as executive director of the ACLU of Maine, she was the Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate, running against Collins in 2014. The senator rolled over her in a landslide. She rebounded after a stint in the Maine Senate, becoming secretary of state in 2021.

Bellows has emerged as a solid defender against multiple Trump administration threats. The secretary of state shrugged off the Justice Department’s latest voting lawsuit, demanding the state’s “complete and unredacted” voter rolls. The U.S. District Court in Maine dismissed the case in May. The Justice Department’s most recent lawsuit centers on the secretary of state’s refusal to provide undercover license plates to ICE and other Homeland Security agencies. “We don’t have secret police in a democracy,” Bellows said in a statement, “and covert civil immigration enforcement is not something Maine will facilitate. If the DOJ wants to sue us over that, we’ll see them in court.”

https://prospect.org/2026/07/08/maine-democrats-poised-to-run-lighthouse-primary-senate-platner-collins/embed/#?secret=gmogvatYoK#?secret=WFKPXootc4

In her campaign for governor, Bellows evoked Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins, a Mainer and the first woman cabinet member in Franklin Roosevelt’s administration. She called for “A New Deal for Our Economy” that would “lower property taxes on primary residences, cut utility costs, boost our housing supply, and provide opportunities for new businesses and entrepreneurship. And we’ll pay for it by making the wealthy pay their fair share.”

She grew up in Hancock, north of Bar Harbor, in a family that did not have electricity and indoor plumbing until she was in the fifth grade.

Whether Shah, who would be the ultimate outsider candidate, can make inroads over the clamoring for Jackson or Bellows remains to be seen. He did secure the most first-choice votes in the first round of ranked-choice voting in the governor’s race, amid heavy spending on advertising.

Shah earned very high marks for his stewardship of the state’s COVID-19 response and has struck all the right notes on Medicare for All. However, he’s also a transplant born and raised in Wisconsin with only seven years in Maine, a tough résumé in a state that measures Maine-ness in generations, not years.

flash poll that the Platner campaign inexplicably conducted this week found that Jackson held a 49-44 lead on Collins, with Bellows and Shah up on Collins by an identical 47-45 count. Mills and Wood tested far behind the Republican incumbent.

Whether any of these candidates or some sleeper pick can stand up to the ruthless gentility of the Susan Collins machine is the quandary that the state party leaders must quickly figure out. Maine Democrats need a unifier who can heal the wounds gouged by the Platner fiasco. If the new candidate can keep the spotlight on Susan Collins’s deficiencies, Democrats are well placed to make a stand. If the Democratic Party’s machinations and the deficiencies of their new standard-bearer take over the headlines in the weeks ahead, it’s going to be a very long winter in Maine.

Before you go.

I hope that you found this article interesting and thought-provoking. The reason we’re able to publish stories like this — free of programmatic ads and never behind a paywall — is because readers like you step up to support our work. 

The Prospect doesn’t answer to advertisers or billionaire owners. We answer to you and to our commitment to pursuing the truth, wherever that leads us. 

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David Dayen

David Dayen
Executive Editor

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July 8, 2026

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Gabrielle Gurley

ggurley@prospect.org

Gabrielle Gurley is a senior editor at The American Prospect. She covers states and cities, focusing on economic development and infrastructure, elections, and climate. She wins awards, too, most recently picking up a 2024 NABJ award for coverage of Baltimore and a 2021 Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication urban journalism award for her feature story on the pandemic public transit crisis. More by Gabrielle Gurley

Maine Democrats Poised to Run a Convention for Senate

The state party could have decided that any process that didn’t allow voters to get a say would be fatally compromised. It did not.

David Dayenby David Dayen July 8, 2026 (Prospect.org)

Women fill out ballots at a voting site
Residents fill out their Maine primary ballots, June 9, 2026, in Belfast, Maine. Credit: Robert F. Bukaty/AP Photo

UPDATE: The Maine Democratic State Committee has voted for a 600-person nominating convention, not a statewide caucus, as the method to select a replacement nominee for Graham Platner. Five hundred of the delegates will come proportionally from Maine’s counties, and then include the 100 state committee members.

While a statewide caucus was previously seen by my sources as a likely outcome, the state committee went in a different direction on Wednesday night. I apologize for what was ultimately incorrect information.

This could easily torch whatever remaining goodwill exists between the party and supporters brought into Platner’s campaign, and brings back all of the unsavoriness associated with perceived backroom dealing. There is no real way to make a 600-person convention representative, and accusations of insiderism will proliferate. It also appears to conflict with the party’s stated goals for an inclusive process where supporters can participate, unless by “participate” they meant “watch online.”

It is unclear whether the nominating convention will follow the Maine standard for all statewide primary races and use ranked-choice voting.

The decision damages hopes for reconciliation and potentially affects Platner’s decision to withdraw from the race.

My original story, based on sourcing that proved incorrect, below:

Despite much shouting and allegations on all sides, the Maine Democratic Party is moving toward finalizing a statewide caucus to select a replacement for Graham Platner in the U.S. Senate race, the Prospect has learned.

Platner would initiate this process by withdrawing from the nomination that he won last month, something that has also been heavily rumored to happen at any time.

State rules surrounding party nomination vacancies set a deadline for replacement on the ballot by July 27, but the party itself is not bound by a specific process. A state committee must hold a meeting and make a decision, but the committee could adopt the wishes of the voters as their selection.

More from David Dayen

Maine Democratic Party Executive Director Devon Murphy-Anderson said on Wednesday that the party is developing “a representative, transparent and inclusive process to select a new nominee,” and added that Platner supporters “are a vital part of our Party and deserve to participate in an open process to select [his] replacement.” That statement was buried in between a good deal of invective over the past two days about Platner trying to “manipulate this process” and vowing that he will “have no role in determining our next Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate, nor in determining what this process will look like.”

Spencer Toth, organizing director of the party, resigned on Wednesday over the latter remark, saying that “the future of this race and this Party should not be decided without the people who made [Platner’s] movement possible.”

A party spokesperson did not respond to questions from the Prospect.

Some supporters of Platner have definitively expressed their preference for replacing him with “a progressive fighter.” The Platner campaign has more obliquely talked about how its supporters “deserve to have a real role in any nomination process.” Campaign manager Ben Chin sent supporters a survey Wednesday to give their thoughts to the party and Platner. The campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

The demand to not turn over a replacement nominee to an opaque committee of insiders does seem to have yielded a result.

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The timeline is incredibly tight, but a statewide caucus could be held as late as the weekend of July 25-26 and still be completed in time for the deadline. Several candidates have already formed exploratory committees to run, including three people who ran for Maine’s open governor’s seat last month: former state senator Troy Jackson, health official Nirav Shah, and Secretary of State Shenna Bellows. Dan Kleban, a local craft brewery owner who was briefly in the Senate race, has also announced, along with Jordan Wood, who lost the primary for U.S. House in Maine’s Second Congressional District, and state representative Valli Geiger.

Those candidates and potentially others would be voted on in the statewide caucus, the details of which have not been fully determined. Maine Democrats select convention delegates through a statewide caucus, and therefore have some experience with putting on such a process.

The party has not detailed who would be eligible for a caucus, though the expectation is that it would be open to Maine Democrats. In recent years, caucuses in presidential primaries have been criticized for not allowing absentee ballots and reducing voter turnout. But with a little more than two weeks to assemble, and with the state not interested in putting on a traditional election, a caucus is the only real solution to give voters a chance to have a say in the next nominee.

One rather dangerous idea floated has been to use a web-based technology the party employed during COVID to select state committee members. Cybersecurity experts have repeatedly warned against online voting as wholly unreliable.

This was not an inevitable outcome. Initially, Maine party leaders were talking about a second convention, using delegates selected in February to choose a committee that would decide the nomination. But that was seen as too close to a backroom deal and too reminiscent of the 2024 anointing of Kamala Harris as the presidential nominee after the primaries concluded and Joe Biden said he would not seek a second term.

https://prospect.org/2026/07/06/maine-needs-lighthouse-primary-graham-platner-senate-susan-collins/embed/#?secret=j5wbm4D8e7#?secret=pkbUpgqOCJ

Supporters see a caucus as the only outcome that can keep the fragile coalition of Mainers wanting to defeat Susan Collins together, and if leveraged properly by the candidates and the eventual nominee, it could even make it more likely that Collins is defeated. The focus would be on organizing and building on momentum that led to record turnout last month, even as Platner faced only token opposition after Gov. Janet Mills dropped out.

It’s not yet clear under what terms the lead-up to the caucuses will be undertaken. Because this is a party-run affair, Democrats could, for example, disqualify any candidate who runs television ads or has a super PAC running ads on their behalf.

The ability to come together has been marred by jockeying from both sides. The Platner camp intimated that the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee was on the ground working with the state Democrats on selecting the nominee, something a spokesperson from the DSCC characterized as false. “The Maine Democratic Party has made it clear that they are working to put forth an open process to select a nominee,” the spokesperson said.

The party, however, had not released the details of that process, and as of Tuesday were saying that they would not release such details until Platner withdrew. The statement on Wednesday said they were “developing” the process, and while it nudged toward something allowing voters to choose the candidate, that had not been publicly confirmed.

Before you go.

I hope that you found this article interesting and thought-provoking. The reason we’re able to publish stories like this — free of programmatic ads and never behind a paywall — is because readers like you step up to support our work. 

The Prospect doesn’t answer to advertisers or billionaire owners. We answer to you and to our commitment to pursuing the truth, wherever that leads us. 

Independent, reader-supported journalism is critical at a time when the free press is under assault. 

If you believe this kind of reporting should exist and remain free to read, we hope you’ll consider chipping in. Every contribution, however modest, makes a real difference.

Donate Now

David Dayen

David Dayen
Executive Editor

Related

Maine Needs a Lighthouse Primary

July 6, 2026

Maine’s Three Likely Replacements for Graham Platner

July 9, 2026

Establishment Dems and the Self-Fulfilling Prophecy of Moderation 

May 6, 2026

David Dayen

ddayen@prospect.org

David Dayen is the executive editor of The American Prospect. He is the author of Monopolized: Life in the Age of Corporate Power and Chain of Title: How Three Ordinary Americans Uncovered Wall Street’s Great Foreclosure Fraud. He co-hosts the podcast Organized Money with Matt Stoller. He can be reached on Signal at ddayen.90. More by David Dayen

The Un-Mysterious Case of the Socialist Surge

MEYERSON ON TAP (Prospect.org)

The solution is hiding in plain view.It was one of those steam-bath D.C. days where your shoes start to sweat. I was behind my desk reading Marx’s The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte and wondering why he had to rewrite the thing 17 times, when she slinked into the office. She’d clearly gone to the Lauren Bacall School of Slink, but her eyes were wild with alarm.
“Sit down,” I began, “and tell me all about it.”
“It’s the pundits,” she husked, huskily. “They’re all over the map when they try to explain why there are so many”—she paused here to collect her thought—“socialists.”
“They say some foreign power is paying them,” she continued, pulling out a Wall Street Journal op-ed from her lip gloss bag. “They say they were seduced by Marxist professors. They say this is what happens when we let billionaires get taxed or Lee Greenwood doesn’t get a lifetime Grammy.”
“Pfoo,” I replied. I walked to my bookcase, picked out Werner Sombart’s 1906 tome Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? and gently threw it at her. “Check out Sombart,” I said. “In America, he said, socialism runs aground on the reefs of roast beef and apple pie.”
“He was a vegetarian?” she asked. “No,” I replied. “He said American mass prosperity—relative to Europe’s, anyway—negated the need for socialism. But he didn’t address what would happen if broadly shared prosperity up and left.”
“Where did it go?” she asked.
“It got a super-luxe first-class ticket,” I answered. “Wealth and income and political power climbed their way up to the very top of the totem pole. What your precious pundits don’t seem to remember is that the number of American socialists and communists ballooned during the Depression. We’ve been here before, babe.”
“As much as now?” she asked.
“No, again. So long as they ran on third-party tickets, they couldn’t win squat. And the commies only started picking up members when Stalin told them to make nice with Roosevelt. In 1934, they’d called him a fascist. In 1936, when Uncle Joe changed his mind, FDR became the commies’ superhero. Real good commies had this thing for amnesia. Helped to forget what you’d said a couple months earlier.”
“Then this guy Harrington—this was in the ’70s—said that the commies had been smart to go to work with unions and the Democrats, but they should have been open about who they were. That’s what socialists should do, he said. Third-party candidacies had their place, but that place usually wasn’t America. And when Bernie Sanders and AOC and this Zohran character validated that, it gave socialists some running room. They could grow.”
“So socialism surged when Mike Harrington was saying this?” she asked.
“Well, no,” I responded. “I was a member of DSOC and DSA when they formed in the ’70s and early ’80s. But we hadn’t gone plutocratic yet. The banks hadn’t taken over the economy then, the big boys weren’t offshoring our smelters and our shoes yet, rich people still were paying taxes, there were barely any billionaires …”
“No billionaires,” she gasped. “How can there be an America without billionaires?”
“Believe it, babe. And we were happier then. So DSOC and DSA chugged along with just a handful of members. There were still lefty kids and some oldsters who could sing Spanish Civil War songs, but they didn’t register that capitalism was beginning to be let out of its cage and money would begin trickling upward. Then zooming upward.”
“Socialism is catching on now,” I continued, “because Americans can see that capitalism just isn’t working for them. There’s a poll in today’s Wall Street Journal that shows that a majority of Americans say capitalism isn’t working well. That’s up from about a third a decade ago. When an -ism isn’t cutting it, people may conclude it’s time for a different -ism.”
“But why socialism?” she squeaked.
“Why not Rosicrucianism,” I came back with. “Because socialists aren’t afraid to tax billionaires to provide affordable child care. Because Rosicrucianism and Theosophism are still formulating their position on that.”
“So it’s not foreign powers?” she queried. “It’s not Marxist critical studies professors?”
“Moscow gold is gone,” I said. “Marxist critical studies professors we shall always have with us, but they’ve been around since the ’70s with no real-world effect until Lehman went blooey and only the rich really got bailed out.”
“I think I get it,” she said, getting up and making for the door. “Gotta run.”
“Hey,” I posited. “You free tonight?” She made the kind of face I make when eating my Aunt Freida’s goulash. “Well, how about I stay on the case for you?” I countered. “My retainer is just 50 bucks …”
“Retainer?” she asked with studied incredulity. “Are you kidding? Like I can do 50 smackers?”
“But …” I began.
“Forget it, Mr. Historically Accurate Economic Determinist,” she spat out, slamming the door. “It’s the economy, stupid.”
Harold Meyerson
Editor at Large

The political transformation of Sup. Alan Wong

In just two years, he went from a progressive to a corporate conservative. There’s a sad lesson here.

By Tim Redmond

July 8, 2026 (48hills.org)

Political ambition can change people, fast. Matt Haney was part of the city’s left until he decided that being a moderate Yimby would get him elected to the state Assembly. David Chiu ran for supervisor as a progressive backed by Aaron Peskin, then quickly changed sides when he needed moderate votes to become Board president.

And now, let me present Alan Wong.

Wong was an aide to Sup. Gordon Mar, one of the most left-leaning members of the board during his term. He supported David Campos over Haney for state Assembly and Honey Mahogany over Matt Dorsey for D6 supe.

From the left to the right in just two years: The sad story of political ambition is far too common in SF

Wong ran as a progressive for City College Board, with the endorsement of the unions and the other left-leaning board members. In 2024, the Bay Guardian noted:

The only progressive on the board seeking re-election is Alan Wong—and unlike the 2022 election, there are no other progressive candidates. Since the election is at-large, meaning the top four win, we are endorsing only Wong, in the hope that he gets enough votes to finish in the running.

Then the D4 supervisor seat opened up, and Mayor Daniel Lurie was looking, after a terrible mistake, for a credible candidate who could hold office—and support his conservative agenda.

Wong took the job, and has sided with the most conservative flank of the board, over and over, most recently on the public bank.

I just looked at the answers Wong gave to the Harvey Milk Club in 2024. You can see his questionnaire here.

Among the questions: Do you support a public municipal bank? Answer: Yes.

Wong also told the progressive club that he opposes the use of Tasers by cops, opposes qualified immunity for police officers, and supports reparations for Black people. He said he supports an independent investigation of all police shootings and would not accept contributions from law-enforcement unions. He also supported supervised injection sites, and replacing PG&E with a municipal utility.

Most of those positions are directly in conflict with what the mayor wants (although Lurie hasn’t taken a position on PG&E). It’s pretty clear that we will not see Wong adhere to what he told the Milk club just two years ago.

I asked Wong why he changed his position on the public bank. He hasn’t responded. (We used to talk fairly regularly; since he joined the board, he hasn’t responded once to my calls and texts). His staff hasn’t responded either.

But look who supported his re-election: The entire conservative establishment that just two years ago he was running against—including Dorsey and the Police Officers Association, which has pushed for Tasers and opposed independent investigations of all police shootings.

It’s just sad, really, how quickly a lifetime’s worth of political positions can evaporate when a political promotion comes along.

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Tim Redmond

Tim Redmond has been a political and investigative reporter in San Francisco for more than 30 years. He spent much of that time as executive editor of the Bay Guardian. He is the founder of 48hills.

A Winning Message for 2026 Swing Voters: Tax the Rich and Medicare for All!

NYC-DSA holds a rally to tax the rich

New York City Democratic Socialists of America (NYC-DSA) hold a rally in Union Square marking the start of a campaign to tax the rich and win universal childcare on November 16, 2025.

 (Photo by Selcuk Acar/Anadolu via Getty Images)

“The swing voters who will decide the midterms are not asking Democrats to sound more like Republicans—they want Democrats to embrace progressive economic policies that will actually work to lower costs.”

Brett Wilkins

Jul 09, 2026 (CommonDreams.org)

Democratic strategists have long clashed over whether the path to victory runs through “moderation” or bold progressive ideas, and a new analysis of 2026 swing voters boosts arguments for the latter, revealing the top policies that would sway them to vote Democrat include raising taxes on the wealthy and establishing a Medicare for All-type universal healthcare system.

On Thursday, Data for Progress published a new report identifying a relatively small but electorally crucial bloc comprising roughly 8% of likely 2026 voters who are genuinely persuadable heading into the November midterms. These swing voters, many of whom voted for President Donald Trump in 2024, identify as moderates or independents rather than conservatives, consume relatively little political news, and are primarily focused on one issue above all else: the cost of living.

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“A plurality of swing voters aren’t sure which party they trust on the major issues, but Democrats hold a slight advantage on inflation and the cost of living, the top issue for swing voters,” Data for Progress found. “Around 1 in 3 swing voters say their biggest issues with the Democratic Party are its ‘old and out of touch’ leadership and the party ‘not doing enough to lower costs.’”

“The most popular proposal was simple: Raise taxes on the wealthy,” the report states. “Twenty-eight percent selected it as one of their top three choices. Close behind, at 24%, was creating a Medicare for All healthcare system. Those weren’t followed by tougher immigration policies or deficit reduction. Instead, voters also favored banning artificial intelligence from setting prices or wages based on personal data and preventing utility companies from passing unreasonable costs on to consumers.”

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According to the report, swing voters currently favor a Democratic candidate for Congress over a Republican by a 12-point margin, with 46% undecided.

“The swing voters who will decide the midterms are not asking Democrats to sound more like Republicans—they want Democrats to embrace progressive economic policies that will actually work to lower costs and put workers first,” Data for Progress executive director Ryan O’Donnell said on Thursday. “Voters have been making clear for years that cost-of-living issues are the top priority. Taking more conservative stances is not what voters are asking for from their leaders right now.”

Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.

Brett Wilkins

Brett Wilkins is a staff writer for Common Dreams.

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‘I’ll Be a Vote for Medicare for All’: Troy Jackson Makes His Case After Platner Exit

Troy Jackson

Troy Jackson speaks during a May Day rally organized by local unions on May 1, 2026 outside City Hall in Portland, Maine.

 (Photo by Graeme Sloan/Getty Images)

“We may both be from Aroostook County, but we’re not the same,” Jackson said of Republican Sen. Susan Collins.

Jake Johnson

Jul 09, 2026 (CommonDreams.org)

Troy Jackson, a fifth-generation logger from northern Maine who previously served as the state’s Senate president, is making the case that he has the best shot at unseating Republican Sen. Susan Collins in November following Graham Platner’s exit from the race on Wednesday.

“There is a powerful movement of working class people in the state of Maine, and millions more across America who are ready to send a progressive fighter to the Senate,” Jackson wrote in a social media post on Wednesday, formally announcing his Senate run. “I’ve been fighting for that movement my whole life—and I’m sure as hell not backing down now, when this fight is needed most.”

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“I’m in,” he added. “And we’re going to defeat Susan Collins. Maine deserves a senator that will fight for working families.”

Jackson, who filed federal paperwork earlier this week to explore a US Senate bid as the Maine Democratic Party scrambled to construct a process to choose Platner’s replacement ahead of the July 27 deadline, recently fell short in a highly competitive race for the Maine Democratic Party’s gubernatorial nomination.

But those who are rallying behind Jackson argue his economic populist messaging, union backing, support for Medicare for All, and appeal across broad swaths of Maine—including rural counties—make him the most sensible choice to take on Collins, who is running for a sixth term in the US Senate.

“Troy has spent his life fighting for working people,” said the national progressive advocacy group Our Revolution, which rescinded its endorsement of Platner following the sexual assault allegation against him, which he denied.

Our Revolution noted that Jackson led Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) presidential campaigns in Maine in both 2016 and 2020. Jackson also appeared alongside Sanders and Platner at “Fighting Oligarchy” rallies during his gubernatorial bid.

“Long before this Senate seat became available, Troy had built a record of standing with workersunions, and rural communities across Maine,” said Our Revolution, which announced Wednesday that it is mobilizing volunteers across Maine to “ensure voters are represented by a candidate who reflects the agenda they overwhelmingly supported” during the Democratic primary process—a contest that Platner won handily.

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Jackson is one of several Democrats jumping at the opportunity to challenge Collins, who has enabled President Donald Trump’s destructive legislative agenda and helped pave the way for the gutting of reproductive rights nationwide.

Nirav Shah, former director of the Maine Center for Disease Control and Prevention, formally announced on Thursday that he is launching a bid to replace Platner. Shenna Bellows, Maine’s secretary of state, said Tuesday that she is “seriously considering” entering the Senate race. (Like Jackson, both Shah and Bellows unsuccessfully ran for Maine’s Democratic gubernatorial nomination.)

A flash poll commissioned by the Platner campaign earlier this week found that Jackson performed better than Shah and Bellows in hypothetical match-ups against Collins.

Christine Kirby, a spokeswoman for Jackson, told Drop Site on Tuesday that since the sexual assault allegation against Platner was made public, Jackson’s team has received a torrent of calls and messages urging him to run for the Senate nomination.

“He is clearly the strongest option to replace Graham Platner and take on Susan Collins in the general election,” said Kirby. “This movement is greater than any one person, it’s about a coalition of Maine people fighting for a future that doesn’t have to belong only to the wealthy and powerful. And Troy is up for the fight.”

Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.

Jake Johnson

Jake Johnson is a senior editor and staff writer for Common Dreams.

Full Bio >

SF Ballot Measure Could Help Establish the First City-Run Public Bank in the US

8 July 2026/SF Politics/Leanne Maxwell (SFist.com)

The SF Board of Supervisors voted to add a measure to the November ballot that would help the city work toward establishing its own public bank, which would fund affordable housing, green energy, and small businesses — the first of its kind in the nation.

The measure passed the Board of Supervisors on a 9-2 vote Tuesday, with Supervisors Stephen Sherrill and Alan Wong dissenting, as KQED reports.

“A public bank would open the doors to build an engine for affordable housing,” said Supervisor Chyanne Chen, per KALW, “a lifeline for struggling small businesses, and the financial backbone for our climate goals.”

Five supervisors co-sponsored the measure creating the municipal finance corporation, including Supervisors Jackie Fielder, Myrna Melgar, Bilal Mahmood, Shamann Walton, and Chyanne Chen, who recently introduced the legislation to the board while Fielder, who spearheaded a previous public bank proposal, was on medical leave. Mayor Daniel Lurie has reportedly not indicated whether he supports the proposal.

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The proposal would create the governance structure for the municipal finance corporation, the first step toward eventually launching a city-run public bank, per KQED. It outlines the bank’s mission, prioritizing affordable housing, green energy, and small businesses, while barring lending to fossil fuel companies and weapons manufacturers. The plan would also establish a board with appointments made by the mayor, Board of Supervisors, city attorney, controller, and treasurer-tax collector.

According to Mission Local, no funding is attached to the ballot measure, and supporters estimate roughly $325 million in startup capital would still be needed before the bank could begin issuing loans. A previous proposal by Fielder included taxing large financial institutions, though advocates have also pointed to potential federal grants, philanthropic funding, and other financing sources.

Wong argued the city has not yet demonstrated it can responsibly manage the financial and regulatory demands of operating a bank and questioned whether voters should commit to the idea before a funding plan is in place.

“A public bank involves decisions about deposits, lending, credit, regulation and risk management,” Wong said Tuesday. “Those decisions carry real financial consequences. They demand institutional discipline, insulation from political pressure, transparency, and deep banking expertise. Our city’s track record shows that meeting those demands is harder than it sounds, even for institutions designed with the right intentions.”

[Update] As 48 Hills reports, Wong has changed his stance considerably since joining the Board of Supervisors, as he was previously in favor of public banks.

KQED reports that the measure must reportedly pass before a 2028 deadline, when the state law allowing cities to establish public banks is set to expire.

Supporters say a public bank could help finance thousands of approved affordable housing units that have stalled for lack of funding, while expanding access to low-cost loans for small businesses and climate projects.

“We can build a public bank that prioritizes reinvesting back into what we all need to sustain our local communities,” said  Chen, per Mission Local.

The idea has reportedly been in the works for years. California legalized municipal public banking in 2019, and the Board of Supervisors later created a working group that developed a roadmap for a public bank, which the board adopted in 2023, per KQED. Supporters also point to a 2025 poll commissioned by the San Francisco Public Bank Coalition that found 67% of likely San Francisco voters backed the concept.

If approved, San Francisco would be on track to become the first US city to operate its own public bank, though publicly run banks already exist elsewhere, including North Dakota.

Related: Supervisor Fielder Eyes a City-Backed Pharmacy Co-Op Network

Photo by Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images

‘Heavily intoxicated’: Woman says Senate nominee raped her in 2021

“Jake Tapper, now an anchor at CNN, wrote a 4,200-word essay in the Washington City Paper headlined I DATED MONICA LEWINSKY. (‘I’ll get with her because I figured that behind her initial aggressiveness lurked on easy, perhaps winning, bit of no-frills hookup.’)”

–Brooke Nevils, “Unspeakable Things: Silence, Shame and the Stories We Choose to Believe”

CNN Jul 6, 2026 A woman said Monday that Graham Platner, the Democratic nominee for US Senate in Maine, entered her home without permission and raped her while he was heavily intoxicated nearly five years ago when they were in a casual dating relationship – an allegation Platner denies. 0:00 Jenny Racicot describes meeting Platner in 2021 2:23 Does she have political motivations for making these claims? 4:35 Jenny describes what she saw in his eyes as the alleged assault occurred 7:24 Platner seemed aware that what he was doing was wrong at times 9:11 What happened after the alleged assault Watch 24/7 live news with CNN Headlines: https://bit.ly/4eIvlTr