The legacy of 9/11: A surveillance society

September 9, 2026 (Prospect.org)

KUTTNER ON TAP
The legacy of 9/11: A surveillance society

America now has a witches’ brew of government and corporate surveillance. None of it was necessary.

When the attacks of September 11, 2001, stunned America 25 years ago, the Prospect had just moved to Washington and brought on a new executive editor in Harold Meyerson. In about a week, we managed to assign and edit an issue that was one of our best ever. The cover line was “Defending an Open Society.”
The articles in that issue challenged the widespread assumption that we were now in a new normal, in which the vulnerability of an open society had been horribly revealed. Painful as it might be, America supposedly had to sacrifice some liberty to regain some security.
Then as now, that premise was disastrously wrong. But over 25 years, America ended up needlessly sacrificing both.
At the time, it seemed that the ability of a cell of terrorists to pass unnoticed, and to seize and weaponize not one but four jetliners almost simultaneously, demonstrated the pathetic vulnerability of the United States. But as testimony to the 9/11 Commission later revealed, American counterintelligence knew everything it needed to know in 2000 and 2001 to prevent the 9/11 attacks. The problem was that the White House under George W. Bush and Dick Cheney was obsessively focused on Saddam Hussein and didn’t want to know about al-Qaeda in the U.S.
Richard Clarke, director of counterterrorism for the National Security Council, had urgently requested a meeting of NSC principals on January 25, 2021, in a memo during Bush’s first week in office, to develop a comprehensive strategy against jihadists in America. He was rebuffed. Over the next several months, Clarke’s team assembled evidence of a planned attack, pilots being trained, and sleeper cells, but the White House kept fending him off.
Had the Supreme Court not intervened to steal the election for Bush, and had Al Gore been president, Clarke’s urgent warning would almost surely have been taken seriously and 9/11 never would have occurred. We had all the counterintelligence surveillance we needed. We just didn’t have a president who was paying attention.
In the panic that followed the attacks, a wish list of every previously rejected bad idea for warrantless surveillance and spying on Americans was hastily assembled. This became the USA PATRIOT Act. It was rushed through Congress in a fervor of misplaced patriotism and signed on October 26. It passed the House 357-66, and the Senate 98-1. Russ Feingold of Wisconsin, the lone Senate dissenter, warned in a powerful floor speech, “Preserving our freedom is one of the main reasons that we are now engaged in this new war on terrorism. We will lose that war without firing a shot if we sacrifice the liberties of the American people.”
Among other odious items in the administration’s anti-terrorism bill, as Georgetown Law professor David Cole wrote in the Prospect’s 9/11 issue, were provisions to make aliens “deportable not for terrorist activity but for peaceful and nonviolent associational activity … It would authorize the Immigration and Naturalization Service to detain immigrants indefinitely on the attorney general’s say-so, even when they have a legal right to live here permanently and cannot be deported. And it would resurrect the doctrine of ideological exclusion by allowing aliens to be denied entry for their speech.”
All of this, of course, prefigured President Trump’s grotesque anti-immigrant measures.
Meanwhile, one of the genuine vulnerabilities that did need attention—international money laundering by terrorists—was remedied by the Anti-Money Laundering Act of 2020. But the same politicians who support surveillance of citizens and consumers are big supporters of crypto, which is a gift to terrorists and criminals who launder money.
One of the little-noticed consequences of the post-9/11 hysteria has been a diabolical symbiosis between government surveillance and corporate surveillance. What Shoshana Zuboff was the first to call surveillance capitalism has now become ubiquitous, as platform monopolies like Amazon and Google vacuum up customer data to sell targeted ads, screw rivals, and use personalizing pricing.
As the big tech monopolies pursue these surveillance strategies, experience gained in the national security establishment is highly prized. At least 200 people from counterintelligence posts have gone to work for Google, Facebook, and Amazon.
They include Caroline Atkinson, President Obama’s deputy national security adviser for international economics (2011–2015). She subsequently became head of global policy at Google. Robert Kimmitt, general counsel and executive secretary of the National Security Council, went to Facebook. Brian Walsh, special assistant to the president and senior director for intelligence at the National Security Council, went to a senior post at Amazon Web Services. And dozens more.
And the revolving door works both ways, with Trump’s top science, technology, and national security staff coming from Big Tech. What both sectors have in common is a commitment to surveillance.
None of this makes Americans more secure. It makes us more vulnerable.
Robert Kuttner
Co-Editor, Co-Founder

As Netanyahu Threatens Libel Suit, Haaretz ‘Stands By Its Reporting’ on 10/7 Attack

Benjamin Netanyahu

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gives a news conference in Jerusalem on June 15, 2026. 

(Photo by Ronen Zvulun/pool/AFP via Getty Images)

“As always when a story really hits home, Netanyahu threatens to sue,” said one researcher.

Julia Conley

Sep 09, 2026 (CommonDreams.org)

The Israeli newspaper Haaretz did not appear alarmed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s threat on Wednesday to sue the outlet over its new reporting that Netanyahu was explicitly warned about the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 attack that killed more than 1,200 Israelis and led to the Israel Defense Forces’ destruction of Gaza.

After Netanyahu sent a “warning letter” saying he would file a libel lawsuit against Haaretz and journalists Shlomi Eldar and Ruth Yuval over their Tuesday report, the newspaper said simply in a post on social media, “Haaretz stands by its reporting.”

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The newspaper based its reporting on accounts from three senior foreign sources, reporting that in September 2023, now-deceased Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar had told an intermediary trusted by both Hamas and Israeli intelligence agencies that an “earthquake” would be coming to Israel.

The warning reportedly came after Sinwar had grown frustrated with deadlocked talks over an exchange of Israeli and Palestinian prisoners.

Sinwar told the intermediary to convey a message to the United Arab Emirates, with whom Netanyahu had developed close ties, “that I am preparing the mother of all surprises. A terrifying operation. Something extraordinary.”

UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed then gave a warning to Netanyahu in a 45-minute phone call weeks before the attack, according to Haaretz.

Netanyahu lashed out at the newspaper in a social media post, saying the reporters “fabricated a false story against the prime minister that never happened and was never created.”

“The Prime Minister’s Office, the National Security Council, and the military secretary meticulously reviewed the prime minister’s call log for those days—and found no trace of it whatsoever,” said Netanyahu, who is behind his top opponent, former military chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot, in polls ahead of legislative elections set for October 27.

Netanyahu’s official social media account also confirmed he had instructed his lawyers to file the libel lawsuit. He blamed security officials for failing to alert him to the October 7 attack early enough after it had begun, repeating a recent claim that they feared he would launch an aggressive response to the attack and set off a war.

“If, instead of fearing a miscalculation, they had instructed the IDF, the Shin Bet, and the standby units to preempt the blow, and if they had updated Prime Minister Netanyahu in time, the terrible massacre could have been prevented,” said Netanyahu’s official account.

Netanyahu has been attempting to account for his actions on October 7 recently, releasing his full schedule from the day of the attacks last week. The log showed he did not speak to IDF officials until several hours after the attack began.

Researcher Shaiel Ben-Ephraim compared Netanyahu’s threat to sue Haaretz to his angry response earlier this year to a report by New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof, which included testimony from 14 Palestinians who said they had been sexually assaulted in Israeli prisons or during attacks by the IDF or Israeli settlers.

Netanyahu claimed the Times’ reporting was “blood libel” as he threatened to take legal action in May. Thus far, he has not followed through on the threat.

“This will likely end up just like the time he threatened to sue The New York Times,” said Ben-Ephraim, “and didn’t because every word was true.”

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On Tuesday, four Israeli opposition leaders called for an independent commission to investigate the October 7 attacks, citing a “series” of revelations about Netanyahu’s actions and reported inaction ahead of the assault.

“Netanyahu and his partners in the October 7 government are unfit to continue in office,” they wrote. “We will work in coordination and with the required responsibility to prevent them from leading to another disaster.”

The prime minister has long resisted calls for an independent investigation, agreeing earlier this year only to a proposal in which half of the commission’s members would be selected by Netanyahu’s own government, in violation of Israeli law—a suggestion that one opposition leader, Yair Lapid, called a “shameful farce” that was meant to “help the prime minister duck responsibility.”

Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.

Julia Conley

Julia Conley is a senior editor and staff writer for Common Dreams.

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Young Voters Disrupt Meeting to Urge USPS Board of Governors to Reject Trump Attack on Voting

US-POLITICS-CALIFORNIA-VOTE

An election worker processes mail-in ballots at the Los Angeles County Ballot Processing Center during California’s state primary election in the City of Industry on June 2, 2026.

 (Photo by Patrick T. Fallon / AFP via Getty Images)

“Trump is threatening not just our ability to mail our vote but our right to decide our future and the direction of our country.”

Brad Reed

Sep 09, 2026 (CommonDreams.org)

A group of young voters on Wednesday crashed a meeting of the United States Postal Service Board of Governors and demanded that they not carry out President Donald Trump’s executive order to disrupt the mail-in voting process.

The voters, which were organized with the help of Sunrise Movement, walked into the Board of Governors’ meeting in Potomac, Maryland, and asked members if they would commit to delivering all ballots sent through the USPS for November’s midterm elections.

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Stella Lovelady, 24, approached the board members holding a sign that read “Let Us Vote,” and said she is “worried that Donald Trump will prevent millions of people from voting by mail.”

“I’m worried young people’s voices won’t be heard in November because their ballots won’t be delivered,” said Lovelady. “Trump is threatening not just our ability to mail our vote but our right to decide our future and the direction of our country.”

Alex Ames, a 24-year-old voter from Georgia, asked the board members to “commit to us, to the public today, that you will mail every ballot out and not cave to Donald Trump’s political demands.”

Amber McReynolds, chair of the Board of Governors, thanked Ames for her input but informed her that she was intruding on a private meeting.

“We understand it’s a meeting but this is also an emergency,” Ames responded. “Ballots have already started getting mailed out. And if there’s a new emergency screening system that hasn’t been practiced before and all these ballots get tossed out, young voters, potentially millions of people, will not get their ballots in November.”

Shortly after this, the young voters were escorted out of the meeting.

Earlier this year, Trump signed an executive order that instructed the United States Postal Service to not deliver ballots in any states that have not given the federal government access to its voter lists.

However, that order is currently tied up in court, and both Wisconsin and North Carolina last week began mailing out ballots to voters.

Aru Shiney-Ajay, executive director of Sunrise Movement, said that the president’s attempts to restrict mail-in voting show he is “desperate” and “has decided the only way he can win is if possibly millions of people can’t vote.”

“The American people won’t let that happen,” Shiney-Ajay emphasized. “We’ll defeat this wannabe dictator in November like we did in 2020—with our votes, our voices and our peaceful actions.”

Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.

Brad Reed

Brad Reed is a staff writer for Common Dreams.

Full Bio >

The Poison Squad: The Forgotten Men Who Ate Poison to Save America | History Documentary for Sleep

ECHOES OF HISTORY Oct 20, 2025 The Poison Squad: The Forgotten Men Who Ate Poison to Save America Imagine volunteering to eat poisoned food. Every day. For five years. For science. In 1902, twelve brave young men did exactly that. They became known as The Poison Squad – government volunteers who ate meals laced with borax, formaldehyde, salicylic acid, and other toxic chemicals commonly used in American food. Their mission: Prove these chemicals were dangerous. Their sacrifice: Their health. Their legacy: The FDA and modern food safety laws. This is the true story of Dr. Harvey Washington Wiley, the crusading chemist who took on the powerful food industry, and the ordinary men who suffered to change what America eats forever. PERFECT FOR:

  • Falling asleep to history
  • Relaxing evening listening
  • Educational background content
  • Learning while resting
  • ASMR history enthusiasts

CHAPTERS: 00:00 – Introduction: The Volunteers 03:00 – Chapter 1: The Problem (American Food in 1900) 08:00 – Chapter 2: The Crusader (Harvey Wiley’s Mission) 13:00 – Chapter 3: The Volunteers (Meet the Poison Squad) 16:00 – Chapter 4: The Hygienic Table (The Setup) 20:00 – Chapter 5: Borax (The First Test) 24:00 – Chapter 6: Salicylic Acid (The Second Test) 27:00 – Chapter 7: Sulfurous Acid (The Third Test) 29:00 – Chapter 8: The Long Campaign (Five Years of Testing) 32:00 – Chapter 9: The Public Reacts (Fame & Opposition) 34:30 – Chapter 10: The Jungle (Upton Sinclair & Roosevelt) 36:30 – Chapter 11: The Aftermath (Victory & Legacy) 38:00 – Chapter 12: The Legacy (Modern Food Safety) THE STORY COVERS:

  • The state of American food in 1900 (formaldehyde in milk, borax in meat, copper sulfate in vegetables)
  • Dr. Harvey Wiley’s crusade for food safety
  • The recruitment of 12 young volunteers
  • Five years of documented suffering and scientific testing
  • Corporate opposition and political battles
  • The passage of the Pure Food and Drug Act (1906)
  • The creation of the FDA
  • The lasting impact on consumer protection

HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

  • Turn of the 20th century America
  • Industrial Revolution and processed foods
  • Lack of food regulations
  • Corporate power vs. consumer protection
  • Progressive Era reforms
  • Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency
  • Upton Sinclair’s “The Jungle”

WHY THIS STORY MATTERS: Before the Poison Squad, American food was a toxic lottery. Companies could put anything in food – formaldehyde, borax, morphine, cocaine – with no consequences. No labels. No oversight. No protection. These twelve ordinary men – clerks, students, government workers – volunteered to eat poison. They documented their suffering. They provided scientific proof that changed history. Every time you read a food label, every time you trust that your food is safe, remember the Poison Squad. SOURCES & FURTHER READING:

  • Blum, Deborah. “The Poison Squad: One Chemist’s Single-Minded Crusade for Food Safety at the Turn of the Twentieth Century” (2018)
  • Wiley, Harvey W. “The History of a Crime Against the Food Law” (1929)
  • U.S. Department of Agriculture Bureau of Chemistry Records
  • Congressional Records (1902-1906)
  • Contemporary newspaper accounts (Washington Post, New York Times)
  • FDA Historical Archives
  • Stratton, S. Wesley. Personal diary (1902-1907)

The Day Israel Attacked America

Al Jazeera English Nov 3, 2014 Al Jazeera investigates the shocking truth behind a deadly Israeli attack on a US naval vessel. In 1967, at the height of the Arab-Israeli Six-Day War, the Israeli Air Force launched an unprovoked attack on the USS Liberty, a US Navy spy ship that was monitoring the conflict from the safety of international waters in the Mediterranean. Israeli jet fighters hit the vessel with rockets, cannon fire and napalm, before three Israeli torpedo boats moved in to launch a second more devastating attack. Though she did not sink, the Liberty was badly damaged. Thirty-four US servicemen and civilian analysts were killed, another 171 were wounded. Later Israel apologised for what it claimed to be a tragic case of mistaken identity. It said that it had believed the ship to be hostile Egyptian naval vessel. US President Lyndon Johnson was privately furious but publicly the White House chose not to challenge the word of its closest Middle East ally and accepted that the attack had been a catastrophic accident. However, as this exclusive Al Jazeera investigation reveals, fresh evidence throws new light on exactly what happened that fateful day – and the remarkable cover up that followed.

No Kings October 17, 2026

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Vote Early – October 17, 2026

Voting early gives us the power to make our voices heard on our own terms, before Election Day and before anyone else gets to decide what happens next. But making a plan takes more than intention. It takes information and resources.

Below are some resources to help you know your rights, make your plan, and get help if you need it, before October 17 and beyond.

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Make sure you’re ready to vote by checking your voter registration and making sure it’s up to date, to help avoid issues when you go to vote early.

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Voter ID rules are different in every state. VoteRiders breaks down exactly what you need to bring to the polls where you live, and connects you with free help if you need an ID.

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A guide from the ACLU covering your rights at every stage of voting, from registration to casting your ballot.

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What to know, and what to do, if federal agents show up at or near your polling place. The ACLU breaks down your rights and the law.

What To Do With Federal Agents At The Polls

SPLC: Vote Free from Fear

The Southern Poverty Law Center’s voter safety guide, with practical tips for recognizing and responding to voter intimidation.

View Voter Safety Guide

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Run by a coalition of nonpartisan legal organizations led by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the Election Protection Hotline connects you with real people who can answer voting questions and help if something goes wrong, before and on Election Day.

Learn more

Got Questions? We’ve Got Answers

We know voting can raise a lot of questions, especially when the rules are different depending on where you live. Below are answers to what people are asking most about No Kings: Vote Early, how to make your plan, and what to expect on October 17.

Can’t find what you’re looking for? Reach out to the Election Protection Hotline above and a real person will help you out.

  • What makes No Kings: Vote Early different from past No Kings mobilizations?
  • Why October 17?
  • What about states that don’t have early voting?

No Kings events are nonpartisan and are designed to increase participation from all eligible voters.

A core principle behind all No Kings events is a commitment to nonviolent action and no civil disobedience. We expect all participants to seek to de-escalate any potential confrontation with those who disagree with our values and to act lawfully at these events. Weapons of any kind, including those legally permitted, should not be brought to events.

For inquiries, please contact info@nokings.org.

Map: See every vacant lot in San Francisco

The most expensive city in America still has more than 2,000 undeveloped parcels. What gives?

By Christian Leonard and Harsha Devulapalli | Updated Sept. 8, 2026 (SFChronicle.com)

In one of the most expensive cities in the world, some parcels of land have sat empty for years — as if to mock housing-seekers desperate for more options.

Take 1125 Market St., an empty 12,000-square-feet lot that hides behind a wall of boards directly across from Civic Center Plaza. The parcel sticks out like a missing tooth, yawning between two four-story buildings. But the vacant lot, which has remained undeveloped since the Embassy Theater was demolished 30 years ago, is not the only one of its kind.

Out of the city’s roughly 230,000 active parcels, about 2,000 privately owned lots sit undeveloped. That means less than 1% are vacant, according to a Chronicle analysis of data from the San Francisco Planning Department. But in a city where squares of dirt are worth seven figures, and where the city is trying to boost housing production to meet demand, why are any lots empty at all?

© OpenMapTiles © OpenStreetMap contributors

The list of potentially vacant lots the Planning Department gave us isn’t perfect. Some lots are obviously not vacant, while others are active streets or passageways. A few lots were literally underwater.

We removed parcels that probably aren’t vacant, as determined by us or the Planning Department, as well as publicly owned ones. We also added in a few that were excluded from the original data. That gave us these 2,000 parcels, out of an original 5,000.

Satellite imagery of said lot

Even with this slimmed-down list, some vacant parcels aren’t eligible for housing at all. Lots like this one are zoned for “production, distribution and repair,” a district the city created in the early 2000s in an attempt to protect blue-collar jobs by banning new housing and large offices.

Satellite imagery of said lot

Others have likely remained empty because of their shape or position. These can be super narrow, surrounded by other buildings or just plain tiny. In some cases, the owners of these lots even stop paying property taxes on the land, eventually allowing the city to auction off the parcel.

Satellite imagery of said lot

Yet other pieces of empty land are actively being used, often as private parking lots, driveways or yards. While they may not be ideal building locales, recent changes to state housing laws have made it easier for homeowners to construct small units on their adjacent lots.

Satellite imagery of said lot

There are signs of growth on some vacant parcels. A developer has received a permit to build a fourplex on an empty infill lot at 1750 Oakdale Ave.

Satellite imagery of said lot

Others are stuck in the development pipeline. A developer demolished three structures at 360 Fifth Street several years ago, intending to build apartments. The hole in the ground later became a swamp, though a new developer aims to build an eight-story tower there.

When the opportunity to develop one of these lots arises, developers can have a field day.

“Every time a client calls us saying, ‘I have a vacant lot,’ the smile grows on my face,” said Geoff Gibson, whose firm is developing the 1750 Oakland Ave. project. “We have a lot more elbow room of what we can do.”

All else being equal, it’s usually easier to build on a vacant lot than one that already has a structure. An empty parcel means no demolition, which can be costly. And San Francisco generally requires developers to replace affordable or rent-controlled units they demolish.

But changes to local and state housing laws have made it easier to replace single-family homes and small storefronts with multifamily buildings, meaning vacant lots don’t quite carry the advantage they used to, Gibson added.

Still, some experts say vacant lots will have a role to play in providing more homes. Emmanuel Proussaloglou, who helped lead a project identifying empty lots in Los Angeles that could be turned into middle-density buildings, explained that building on undeveloped land allows builders to sidestep potential displacement impacts, unlike redeveloping a property with an existing residence.

“It’s not that every development always needs to happen on vacant land, but we think that’s the door that’s a little bit ajar,” said Proussaloglou, who co-directs UCLA’s cityLAB think tank.

But as the Planning Department argues, there just aren’t many vacant lots left in San Francisco, and that many of those that do exist aren’t necessarily primed for construction — the tiny slivers of land squeezed between more regular parcels, for example.

And there’s plenty of reasons why even parcels well-suited for development remain unbuilt, said Mike Reilly, a housing data scientist for the UC Berkeley-affiliated Terner Labs. Some might serve as a backyard or other open space. Parking lot owners might prefer their regular income and low upkeep over selling to a developer. A few could be holding out for land prices to rise even more.

To those owners, “that vacant lot is useful as it is — vacant,” Reilly said. “It might not make sense to you and me, but to the person who owns it … they want it that way.”

If San Francisco seriously wants to expand its housing supply, it can’t depend on a handful of vacant parcels alone: The city is going to have to demolish some existing buildings if it wants to tackle its housing shortage, Reilly said.

But that’s a whole other can of worms. Demolition, Reilly said, tends to raise fears of displacement and loss of neighborhood character.

In a city that generally loves how it looks, Reilly added, demolishing old buildings to make way for new ones “is a pretty sensitive topic.”

Are there vacant lots you know about that aren’t on this list? Or do you see lots we’ve erroneously displayed as vacant? If so, please write to Harsha Devulapalli (sriharsha.devulapalli@sfchronicle.com) or Christian Leonard (christian.leonard@sfchronicle.com).

Use ⌘ + scroll to zoom the map

Addresses may only be approximate in some cases.
Map: Harsha Devulapalli and Christian Leonard/S.F. Chronicle • Source: San Francisco Planning Department

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Credits

Reporting by Christian Leonard. Design and development by Harsha Devulapalli. Editing by Aseem Shukla.

Originally published on Sept. 8, 2026Powered by the Hearst Newspapers DevHub.

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Yekutiel walks Castro’s vacant storefronts, pitches plan

  • by JL Odom
  • Wednesday, September 2, 2026 (ebar.com)

Castro small business owner Jeffrey Wang, left, whose store, Entour, is closing, talked with District 8 supervisor candidate Emanuel “Manny” Yekutiel, who stopped by with former supervisor Bevan Dufty during a September 1 tour of the LGBTQ Neighborhood. Photo: JL Odom

There’s a simple way to get a sense of a place: Go there.

San Francisco District 8 supervisor candidate Emanuel “Manny” Yekutiel recently did just that, spending a sunny Tuesday afternoon walking Market, Castro, and 18th streets to get a firsthand look at one of the LGBTQ neighborhood’s most visible problems: vacant storefronts.

Accompanied by campaign staff, civic leaders, and business owners, Yekutiel stopped at empty storefront after empty storefront, noting their locations, discussing what they could become and keeping count.

He’s determined to bring an end to the vacancies that have become fixtures along the Castro’s commercial corridors.

“This is the beginning of the final chapter of all these vacancies,” Yekutiel said. “We’re all collectively witnessing them.”

Yekutiel’s September 1 walk came just days after the San Francisco Democratic Party narrowly endorsed him in the race for the open District 8 seat on the Board of Supervisors, a closely watched contest on the November 3 ballot, as the Bay Area Reporter previously reported.

The party’s Democratic County Central Committee voted 12-10 after three rounds of voting to sole endorse Yekutiel rather than make no endorsement. The D8 seat is being vacated by termed-out gay Supervisor Rafael Mandelman, currently board president, who endorsed Yekutiel early in the race and has continued to support him after gay San Francisco resident Brad Chapin accused Yekutiel of sexually assaulting him at a private party in 2020. Yekutiel has strongly denied the allegation.

Yekutiel, who owns an eponymously named cafe and events space in the Mission District, centers on three priorities in his campaign plan for vacant storefronts: working directly with landlords to identify prospective tenants and reduce unnecessary red tape; supporting temporary pop-ups while permanent tenants are found; and strengthening the city’s vacancy tax to discourage property owners from leaving storefronts empty indefinitely.

His campaign has identified 63 vacant storefronts across District 8. Joel Gentes, the campaign’s director of technology and data, rode his bike throughout the district, photographing empty storefronts and recording their addresses before compiling the information into a spreadsheet.

“We physically went throughout the district because there were no good data sets that were publicly available – we created our own,” Yekutiel said.

The campaign will also compare its findings with the Castro Merchants Association’s list of vacant storefronts. But, as the B.A.R. has noted in previous coverage, the number of such vacancies is fluid and somewhat misleading, as spaces that appear empty sometimes have been leased to new tenants whose openings can be delayed by either construction or permitting issues.

Nate Bourg, a gay man who is the president of the Castro Merchants Association and co-founder of The Academy, a private social club, expressed support for Yekutiel’s approach during the walk. (The merchants group does not endorse candidates in political races, though Bourg has personally endorsed Yekutiel in the contest.)

“It’s really exciting how many opportunities there are in the Castro to fill, especially some of the notable vacancies, but even down to the smaller ones,” Bourg said. “We’re not going to make big progress if we think incrementally.”

Now that the campaign has pinpointed the locations of the vacant storefronts, Yekutiel said the next step is to contact the landlords behind each to learn the backstory.

“We want to understand why it’s vacant, if they’ve actively been trying to see tenants, if there’s an issue with the city, [or] if there’s a physical infrastructural issue with the space,” said Yekutiel, who rented a former bank location on 24th Street in Noe Valley for his campaign headquarters.

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Yekutiel said his campaign is focused on storefronts without active businesses, even if a space has technically been leased.

“From the perspective of a resident, I think a vacancy is a vacancy, so it’s really about having them be filled,” he said. “Sometimes you can have a storefront that’s leased, but they never actually move in, or it takes years to get the construction done, so I still consider it vacant.”

Some previously empty storefronts elsewhere in District 8 have recently been filled, he noted, including the former Pharmaca Integrative Pharmacy space in Cole Valley, now home to Double Black SF cafe, and the long-vacant 24th Street Cheese Company space in Noe Valley, where Sala Thai Massage was approved to open last September by the city’s planning commission but has yet to do so. New storefronts have opened in Glen Park as well.

“There’s been some action in the outer neighborhoods – we’ll have to see how the Castro compares,” Yekutiel said.

The early legwork, he said, is intended to give him a head start if voters elect him.

“We don’t want to have to do all this work starting in November – we want to have it all ready so that we can get to work as soon as possible,” he said.

Yekutiel supports converting underused sites along Castro and Market streets – including existing gas stations and the long-vacant Pottery Barn site at the intersection – into housing.

During the walk, Yekutiel stopped at a particularly dilapidated storefront at the corner of Sanchez and Market streets. The space was boarded up and covered in graffiti, as work to demolish it for new housing has stalled. (Plans to turn the prominent corner space into a mixed-use development with apartments over retail have been in the works for more than a decade, as the B.A.R. noted in a 2016 story about several housing redevelopments proposed for upper Market Street in the Castro, with SF Yimby noting in 2024 that construction on an even larger building at the site was to begin earlier this year.)

“It’s in the middle of the district – a prime location,” Yekutiel said. “It’s been vacant for years and years and years, basically functioning as a parking lot. It should be housing with a ground floor for a retail establishment, restaurant, nightclub, or something [else].”

He also wants to help businesses open in vacant storefronts through grants of up to $100,000, which could be used for construction, materials, or other costs associated with getting a business up and running.

Other proposals include simplifying zoning rules that make it difficult to open businesses in neighborhood commercial areas and offering tax incentives to businesses that stay open later. His broader platform calls for a 4 a.m. closing time for bars, 24-hour Muni service and cleaner, safer and more vibrant streets.

He has his eyes on rebuilding and renovating Harvey Milk Plaza and Jane Warner Plaza as well. The Friends of Harvey Milk Plaza has spearheaded a renovation for Milk plaza above the Castro Muni Station that is expected to break ground later this year, while a decadelong-planned new four-stop elevator within the public parklet for the subway station is scheduled to open this fall.

As for Jane Warner Plaza across the street, Mandelman had city transit officials draw up potential plans for how to revamp the outdoor piazza carved out of a section of 17th Street between Castro and Hartford streets. As the B.A.R. reported two years ago, the suggested ideas would cost millions of dollars to implement, with no funding source secured at the moment.

“We’d work with the community to figure out what the community wants, but, in my mind, I feel like finding a way to change the F-line [streetcar] turnaround so it’s not through Jane Warner Plaza,” said Yekutiel, who previously served on the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency’s board of directors.

His vision includes removing the rails, raising the concrete, and creating “an actual plaza” with landscaping, seating, activations, and entertainment, including music and theater performances.

District 8 supervisor candidate Darshini Patel.    Photo: Courtesy the candidate

Fellow District 8 candidates weigh in
Yekutiel’s approach to vacant storefronts is not unique among the District 8 candidates in that all seek to address the issue head-on.

District 8 candidate and Noe Valley resident Darshini Patel, a bisexual and queer woman who used to work at DoorDash, said the city first needs to better enforce its existing vacancy tax and close loopholes that allow some persistently empty properties to avoid it.

“My understanding is the city largely tracks vacancies based on that vacancy tax,” Patel said in a phone call with the B.A.R. “Because they’re not enforcing it, we actually don’t have an accurate count of how many stores are vacant.”

She said the city should also work more closely with merchants who are already tracking vacant storefronts themselves.

“I know that, at least in the Castro, some of the merchants here have started their own database where they’re tracking which stores are vacant and which have been vacant for a while,” said Patel, who is renting a vacant retail space on the 500 block of Castro Street for her campaign headquarters. “They have a more robust system than what the city does, which is unfortunate.”

She wants to pair that focus on stronger enforcement with an expansion of the city’s Vacant to Vibrant program , which helps activate empty storefronts with temporary businesses. 

She also proposed a community fundraising model in which residents could raise money for projects and receive matching public funds, allowing vacant spaces to be used for more than traditional retail.

“It could be performance spaces if we wanted,” she said. “Maybe someone wants to help to raise funds for a short-term gallery. It could be any number of things – it doesn’t have to be stores.”

For the long-vacant Pottery Barn space on Market Street, Patel said she would want to involve the community before deciding what should go there. One possibility she has explored is a daytime drop-in center for unhoused people, offering a community lounge space, showers, and laundry facilities. The site has been eyed for various uses, such as affordable housing or a LGBTQ cultural institution, but the property owner has sought too high a price for the city to purchase it, Mandelman said during a discussion several years ago.

“We talk a lot about how to get people off the street, but then not enough about how do we then help them find and maintain jobs so they can earn a living and stay off the street,” Patel said.

District 8 supervisor candidate Gary McCoy.    Photo: Rick Gerharter

District 8 candidate Gary McCoy, a gay longtime political aide to Congressmember Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) who’s on leave from her healthcare campaign, said the city should both penalize property owners who keep storefronts vacant and create incentives for them to fill the spaces, even temporarily. He leased a vacant retail space fronting Jane Warner Plaza for his campaign headquarters.

“A lot of the challenge – in the Castro in particular – is that we’ve got two or three property owners that just refuse to rent out their property and it’s been sitting vacant [and] boarded up for a very long time,” McCoy said in a phone call with the B.A.R.

McCoy said he has seen the problem firsthand. While serving as Pelosi’s political director, he helped look for space for her Castro volunteer hub. The campaign used Les Natali’s space at 541 Castro on a month-to-month basis for several years, McCoy said, but the property owner declined to negotiate a longer-term lease because he was holding out for a formula-retail tenant.

In addition to finding ways to encourage property owners to make their spaces available, including for short-term pop-ups for artists, entertainers, and startups, McCoy said the city also needs to do more to help existing small businesses stay open.

“I want to look at what we can be doing for them in terms of potentially reforming a lot of the annual permits that are required for them and see where we can waive fees on some of those and eliminate the ones that aren’t posing any type of safety concerns,” he said.

He pointed to Castro Coffee Co. and Castro Nail Salon, small businesses he said he helped try to keep in the neighborhood after they struggled to find suitable long-term leases. Castro Nail Salon eventually moved to 18th and Eureka streets, while Castro Coffee Co. moved into a smaller space on Castro Street. Both businesses previously flanked the Castro Theatre, as the B.A.R. previously reported. Their leases were not renewed by the Nasser family that owns the historic movie house, which includes the storefronts.

McCoy is widely viewed as Yekutiel’s strongest challenger and has secured endorsements from both of San Francisco’s leading LGBTQ political clubs, the Alice B. Toklas and Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic clubs. Alice endorsed McCoy outright, while Milk designated him as its first choice, as previously reported by the B.A.R.

District 8 supervisor candidate Michael Trung Nguyen.    Photo: Courtesy the candidate

District 8 candidate Michael Trung Nguyen, a gay patent attorney also known by his drag persona Juicy Liu, received Milk’s second-choice endorsement in the race, which will be decided by ranked choice voting. He has yet to announce finding a space to rent for his campaign, recently telling the B.A.R. there weren’t many good options to do so in the supervisorial district.

Commenting on the need to fill retail vacancies to create a safer district, Nguyen echoed Patel’s support for the city’s Vacant to Vibrant program.

“D8 has 63 empty storefronts right now, and every one of them is a corridor that’s less safe and less alive,” he wrote in a statement to the B.A.R. “I’ve proposed a Vacant to Vibrant program that extends city investment and support to a full two years, instead of the current three months, so small businesses actually have a shot at getting established. I’d pair that with commercial rent stabilization, so existing businesses aren’t priced out the moment their lease turns over.”

“Active storefronts are also a public safety strategy. Well-lit corridors with real foot traffic give us the eyes on the street that actually keeps people safe, and that’s the kind of vibrancy I want to bring back to our commercial corridors,” he continued.

Envisioning future occupancies
Those who joined Yekutiel on the Castro walk had their own ideas for what the vacant storefronts could become: a doughnut shop, a coffeehouse, a new restaurant.

Suzanne Ford, who is the executive director of San Francisco Pride and the first trans woman to hold the office, said she would like to see a treatment center open in the Castro, as well as a trans-owned business. She emphasized that she was at the walk in her personal capacity and not representing SF Pride.

“[It] would be revolutionary,” Ford, a Castro resident, said of a trans-owned establishment.

In fact, the Lobby bar on 18th Street across from the Castro’s Mollie Stone’s Market is owned by Grace Huntley, a trans woman, as the San Francisco Standard reported last September.

Bevan Dufty, a gay man and former D8 supervisor, who currently sits on the city’s Homelessness Oversight Commission, was also among the group, occasionally stopping in open stores with Yekutiel to greet owners.

“Manny has run a very strong campaign focused on small businesses, which really are the life’s blood of the Castro and the whole city,” said Dufty, who has endorsed Yekutiel. “It creates our identity. It builds community with these businesses that mean so much to people in their neighborhood.”

Dufty also served two terms as an elected board member of the regional BART transit system.

“I see business owners talk to him, and they speak the same language, and he’s very passionate,” Dufty said of Yekutiel. “He’s somebody who’s proven that he can get things done, no matter how complex they are.”

For Yekutiel, the walk was about identifying vacant storefronts while envisioning what could replace them – and laying the groundwork to begin making that happen.

“I won’t be able to do any of this alone,” he told the group. “It’s going to be a big community effort – CBD merchants, the neighborhoods, nonprofits, all together – to get them filled.”

Q&A: Preventing a Trump Election Coup

A conversation with retired federal judge Nancy Gertner

Robert Kuttnerby Robert Kuttner September 8, 2026 (Prospect.org)

Nancy Gertner speaks during a news conference
Former federal judge Nancy Gertner speaks during a news conference regarding provisions in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, June 5, 2025, at the Capitol in Washington. Rod Lamkey Jr./AP Photo.

By all indications, the midterm elections should produce a massive blue wave, unless of course Trump and his thugs manage to steal it. How likely is he to succeed?

I put the question to one of America’s most thoughtful and public-minded experts on the subject, retired federal district judge Nancy Gertner, who now teaches at Harvard Law School. Judge Gertner was a lead organizer last year, along with retired circuit court judge Michael Luttig, a conservative, of more than 150 former judges who sent a letter rebuking then-Attorney General Pam Bondi for her attacks on the judiciary.

In late May of this year, Judge Gertner once again teamed up with Luttig, and organized some 35 former jurists to sign a motion urging Judge Kathleen Williams to reopen her provisional approval of a sweetheart deal in which Trump got immunity from IRS claims in exchange for the now-defunct “Anti-Weaponization Fund.” The motion called the deal a fraud on the court. On July 15, Judge Williams voided the $1.8 billion settlement between President Donald Trump and the IRS, ruling that the underlying lawsuit was a collusive exercise in bad faith designed to manipulate the judicial process.

What follows is a lightly edited transcript.


Robert Kuttner: Which of the possible strategies that the Trump administration is likely to pursue to undermine the election are you most concerned about? Much of the remedy boils down to what the courts will do, whether the courts will act in a timely fashion, and whether the Supreme Court will do its usual slow roll.

Nancy Gertner: To overgeneralize somewhat, there are three buckets here. One is what they’re doing in advance of the elections, the other would be what they were doing after the elections, and the third would be what they do during the elections. What I most worry about is what they do during the election.

For instance, suppose they send in ICE to intimidate voters, or the FBI to seize ballots; or suppose they try and harass election officials, like they did in some red counties last time. In principle, you have federal district judges standing by to issue injunctions, but they might not be able to act in time.

There are rules within each election jurisdiction about what people can or can’t do near the polling place. Assuming an ICE agent tries to pull someone out of line or otherwise tries to intimidate voters, arguably there are rules in each of the states. Local DAs can even arrest and bring charges against federal officials. To be sure, as Hennepin County [Minnesota] has shown, it is not easy to do, and it will require a district attorney with some guts.

And not likely in red states.

In general, things that are happening on Election Day are the most difficult things for a court to respond to; the intimidation will take place before you can get to court and before a judge can act.

Suppose the FBI comes in and seizes ballots.

That is the worst scenario of all. In principle, the FBI would need a judge to sign off on that seizure. But if they seize without a warrant, they could basically taint the election.

Can that illegal behavior by the FBI be enjoined in advance?

Not unless there’s a policy that we know of in advance. That’s the problem.

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So a citizen can’t go into court and say, there’s a clear and present danger that the FBI is going to meddle with this election. Judge, please enjoin that behavior.

There has to be a basis for that. You have to hope for a whistleblower who would have some notion of what the plans are. You’d have to look to what Trump said. And yes, the more clear that Trump policy is spelled out in advance, the more you might have a basis to stop it.

What else would you put at the top of the list of things that are alarming, that would be difficult to undo in the moment?

Well, there’s a rumor that he would declare the Insurrection Act. He makes a declaration like that, and that could be challenged in a second, in court. I don’t think the Supreme Court would tolerate that.

You think the Supreme Court could act in time.

Yes, I do. I think Roberts is primed for it.

Let’s switch to the other alarming scenario currently in the news, where Trump uses the U.S. Postal Service to deliberately gum up mail-in ballots, and the administration keeps playing a cat-and-mouse game where judges keep saying, you can’t do this, and the Postal Service does it anyway. At what point does the Supreme Court have to get off the dime and decide this?

Well, they have to get off the dime now. I do not think that there are five votes to say that the post office changes are lawful.

That’s hopeful.

It’s also the case that if people seeking mail-in ballots don’t get them, they can still go to the polls. To be sure, it’ll diminish the vote, and there’ll be places in which that’s impossible to do, or difficult to do. But it may even increase voter motivation. It may be that the biggest danger here is violence at polling places.

Violence both by renegade vigilante Trumpers like on January 6, and by Trump-inspired ICE agents. Trump is perfectly capable of inspiring that violence and calling for it again.

Ordinarily, state officials and state police would be there to protect voters. So there are people talking to state DAs about what their authority is under these circumstances, and they do have authority, if they use it.

It is creepy to imagine an Election Day standoff between state or local and federal officials.

The best protection may be an overwhelming Democratic vote. The model, you might say, is Hungary. The repudiation of Orbán was so total that he stood down.

There were rumors of a deal between Magyar and Orbán, where if Magyar won overwhelmingly and Orbán didn’t fight it, Magyar would not prosecute Orbán. So far, there has been no personal prosecution, but Magyar’s government has prosecuted his corrupt allies and destroyed his machine. The analogy isn’t perfect, because Trump wants to steal the election to avoid being impeached.

That’s a whole other issue you should write about, that if the House goes blue, he will be impeached. I don’t think the Democrats should run on that, but if they do win the election the likelihood is that he will be impeached.

Unlike Orbán, if Trump’s party loses the election, he is still president for two more years, probably even crazier, and the practical question becomes how to contain him. First, there needs to be a relatively honest election. Let’s hope you are right that an outright coup would be too much even for the Roberts Court and that Trump will obey the Court.

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Related

Trump Goes Postal

June 17, 2026

Bending the Knee to Trump

May 19, 2026

Trump, Election Theft, and the Courts

September 4, 2026

Robert Kuttner

rkuttner@prospect.org

Robert Kuttner is co-founder and co-editor of The American Prospect, and professor at Brandeis University’s Heller School. His latest book is Notes for Next Time: Surviving Tyranny, Redeeming America. More by Robert Kuttner